Comment

The PM's patriotic path is rich with electoral opportunity 

The dean greeted me warmly as I stepped into St Philip’s Cathedral, Birmingham, to look around. “Where are you from?” she asked. “London,” I replied. “Not with that accent, you’re not!” she exclaimed. Actually, she was wrong, but it’s a common mistake. I am from London. But I went to university in the US and now, like a lost Arctic cod, I have the ghost of an American accent.

I could have stayed on that side of the Pond. What brought me back was what Theresa May described yesterday as “the bond of citizenship”: a sense that I felt fully invested in the future of one country and it wasn’t the US.

This bond, Mrs May argued in Birmingham, is what has allowed Britain to build great national institutions and the democracy that relies on them. A nation can only endure if its citizens feel the desire to invest in it. And I believe Mrs May is right that the vote for Brexit was a statement, made by the long-neglected masses who live on these islands, that they value the nation and want to preserve it. For years, millions of these voters have been disengaged, cynical or indifferent about politics. Their decision to vote presents a great and rare opportunity and Mrs May is right to grasp it.

Political pundits have many catchphrases for the strategy the Prime Minister is pursuing. Her declaration that she will restore British sovereignty and govern for “working people” means she’s “lurching to the Left”, “claiming the centre ground”, or “parking her tanks on Labour’s lawn”. Her project is actually more profound. She is addressing poor voters and talking about patriotism in order to persuade the millions who, until June, didn’t care about politics, that it’s worth staying engaged. She’s hoping they will become active citizens and, helpfully for her, Conservative voters.

This is enormously ambitious, but there is no inherent reason why it shouldn’t succeed. Britain was not always apathetic. In the Fifties, turnout at general elections was over 80 per cent. Until 2001, it had never fallen below 70 per cent. And the EU referendum was the first time in nearly 20 years that it went back up to that level.

You could feel an electric sense of civic engagement in the weeks before the vote. Every pub and post office was filled with conversations about the future. Cynics, who hold much of the country in contempt, dismiss these amateur pundits as misguided fools who were voting more on the colour of David Cameron’s tie than on any real issues. Perhaps some voters were driven by petty grievances. But most weren’t. They took the decision seriously and, by voting, made a rare expression of faith in the idea that politics was worth a try.

Those referendum voters who fell off the radar during the Blair years, and whom Mrs May is targeting, are generally the poor, patriotic and less-educated residents of post-industrial northern towns. They are people who traditionally voted Labour, but came to believe that the priorities of southern internationalists were irrelevant to them. Many of those who did vote in 2015 turned to Ukip.

Mrs May has sensed that now is the moment to make them Conservatives. Most of them don’t wear tweed or own Labradors. They don’t go to Church or drink port. But they do work hard and aspire to own property. They value the family and have a sense of local pride. They drink strong tea, support the monarchy and watch X Factor. They cheer Britain in the Olympics and they – including many first-generation immigrants – are patriotic. Mrs May’s desire to win their votes is a worthy aim.

Patriotism has a bad name, particularly on mainland Europe. Europeans associate it with fascism, xenophobia and insularity. Nationalism is certainly a dangerous force and it was troubling that the Government put “foreigners” at the centre of several policy announcements this week.

But the nation doesn’t have to exclude and divide. In fact, it is one of the only political vehicles that draws together disparate people, from London and the Midlands, who might otherwise have little in common. The EU’s biggest failure is that it doesn’t have these emotional roots and is incapable of evoking the sense of “solidarity” that its bureaucrats preach.

So Britain’s sense of nationhood is a precious inheritance.  It’s what keeps support for the NHS so high. It’s what confers legitimacy on the Government, making voters able to respect the rule of law and the results of elections, even if they don’t go the “right” way. It’s also what made me come back from the US and part of what gave me pleasure when I heard the familiar sound of an organist practising a hymn as I walked around a Birmingham cathedral.

Brexit carries many risks, but it’s also an opportunity to strengthen our democracy and convince the apathetic masses that politics isn’t just a game played by people who studied PPE at Oxford. Where before these people slammed their doors the face of political campaigners, they’ve now opened them a crack. Mrs May is right to put her foot in the door.

 

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