본 논문은 브라질의 민주주의 정부인 Cardoso와 Lula의 거시 경제적 성과와 사회정책을 분석을 발판으로 아프리카-브라질 디아스포라에 대한 정책적 함의 및 민주주의의 질적 제고를 살펴보았다. Cardoso와 Lula 정부는 위기에 처한 브라질 경제의 극복을 위한 선택으로서 신자유주의 경제정책을 펼쳤다. Cardoso는 물가안정에 치주한 반면 Lula는 2002년 대량 자금이탈을 미연에 방지하기 위한 개방정책의 지속을 진행하였다. 두 정부의 사회보장정책은 북동부의 빈곤층인 아프리카 디아스포라를 주요 타깃으로 설정한 일시적인 고객주의 현금지원책이다. 본 연구는 아프리카 디아스포라가 주변인으로 위치한 불평등구조는 브라질 사회의 곳곳에 깊숙이 배어있음을 발견하였다. 아프리카-브라질 노동 디아스포라의 실체는 오랫동안 “인종민주주의 신화”에의해 외연화 및 정치화되지 못한 채 미화되고 있었지만, 민주화의 진전과 함께 각종 법률적 및 정책적 조치가 시행되었다. 대표적으로 Lula정부의 Affirmative Action은 아프리카 디아스포라를 타깃으로 설정하고 대학입시 쿼터제 등의 차별철폐정책을 펼쳤다. 그러나 내부의 조직적 역량의 미흡함과 외부적 저항으로 말미암아 정체상태에 있다. 하지만 이러한 심각한 불평등구조로 인해 브라질의 민주주의가 당장 위험한 상황에 직면할 것 같지는 않다. 8천만 명에 이르는 노동 디아스포라의 정치사회적 요구를 적극 반영하는 NGO와 정당의 활동이 제도화되어야 한다. 본 연구는 반동적인 시민사회의 문화적 및 사회적 요구를 정치권이 적극 받아들이는 길이 높은 품질의 민주주의의 정착에 지름길임을 지적하고 있다.

This study tries to investigate such policy implications of the Afro-Brazilian diaspora and democratic deepening on the bases of both Cardoso and Lula's macroeconomic performance and social policy. Both democratic governments have adopted neoliberal economic reforms with the Cardoso's emphasis on price stability and Lula's pursuit of open door policies respectably. The Brazil's social policy seemed to be the temporary clientelistic cash transfer programs which targeted the poverty class of Afro-Brazilians in the northeast region. This inequality structure in which the African diaspora has been located as peripheral classes seems to have been deeply rooted in many societal dimensions. The reality of the Afro-Brazilian diaspora has been long beautified by the myth of ethnic democracy. However, along with democratic progresses after the regime transition in 1985, a variety of legal and policy instruments began to be provided to the Brazil's minority groups. The most representative example was the Lula administration's Affirmative Action programs designed to abolish the persistent discriminatory measures against the African diaspora. Nonetheless, the findings of this study reveals that the Lula's diaspora policy falls short of ostensible outcomes in face with the external resistance in addition to the government's weak organizational capacity. The forthcoming advance in the quality of democracy demands more aggressive activity of NGOs and political parties in order to guarantee the political social interests of 80 thousand African diaspora. The best way to attain the high quality of democracy appears to build up such legitimacy-enhancing systems as with the resistant civil society's demands.

This study tries to investigate such policy implications of the Afro-Brazilian diaspora and democratic deepening on the bases of both Cardoso and Lula's macroeconomic performance and social policy. Both democratic governments have adopted neoliberal economic reforms with the Cardoso's emphasis on price stability and Lula's pursuit of open door policies respectably. The Brazil's social policy seemed to be the temporary clientelistic cash transfer programs which targeted the poverty class of Afro-Brazilians in the northeast region. This inequality structure in which the African diaspora has been located as peripheral classes seems to have been deeply rooted in many societal dimensions. The reality of the Afro-Brazilian diaspora has been long beautified by the myth of ethnic democracy. However, along with democratic progresses after the regime transition in 1985, a variety of legal and policy instruments began to be provided to the Brazil's minority groups. The most representative example was the Lula administration's Affirmative Action programs designed to abolish the persistent discriminatory measures against the African diaspora. Nonetheless, the findings of this study reveals that the Lula's diaspora policy falls short of ostensible outcomes in face with the external resistance in addition to the government's weak organizational capacity. The forthcoming advance in the quality of democracy demands more aggressive activity of NGOs and political parties in order to guarantee the political social interests of 80 thousand African diaspora. The best way to attain the high quality of democracy appears to build up such legitimacy-enhancing systems as with the resistant civil society's demands.

inequality, social policy, the Afro-Brazilians, labor diaspora, insurgent citizenship