Dr Tom Gerald Daly
University of Melbourne, Melbourne School of Government, Department Member
- University of Copenhagen, I Courts Centre Of Excellence For International Courts, Department MemberUniversity of Edinburgh, Centre for Constitutional Law, Department MemberUniversity of Melbourne, Melbourne Law School, Post-Docadd
- International Law, Comparative Law, Comparative Human Rights Law, Brazilian Law, Constitutional Law Theory, Latin American Law, and 21 moreComparative Constitutional Law, Democracy and democratisation, Constitutional Law, International Human Rights Law, European Convention of Human Rights, Inter-American Human Rights System, Irish Constitutional Law, Hungarian Law, Constitutional Courts, Supremo Tribunal Federal, Comparative Constituional Law, Law and Democracy, Hungarian Constitutional Law, Political Science, Human Rights, Latin American Studies, Comparative Politics, Democratization, Brazil, Modern Turkey, and Turkeyedit
- A public law academic and consultant with over 15 years' professional experience, at the University of Edinburgh, Cou... moreA public law academic and consultant with over 15 years' professional experience, at the University of Edinburgh, Council of Europe, Supreme Court of Ireland, Global Justice Academy and Judicial Studies Institute, as well as extensive public law consultancy work for a variety of international organisations, including the EU, African Union, International IDEA, and Irish government. Currently Associate Director of the Edinburgh Centre for Constitutional Law, Fellow at Melbourne Law School, and Co-Convenor of the Constitution Transformation Network (Melbourne).
An emerging research and policy leader, I have published widely on democracy building, constitutional law, human rights and judicial processes. Key research includes my recent monograph, 'The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders' (Cambridge University Press). Other recent and forthcoming publications include an edited collection titled 'Law and Policy in Latin America: Transforming Courts, Institutions, and Rights' (co-editors: Pedro Fortes, Larissa Boratti and Andrés Palacios), an article in Global Constitutionalism ('The Alchemists: Courts as Democracy Builders in Contemporary Thought'), and an article in the International Journal of Law in Context ('The African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights: Mapping Resistance against a Young Court').
I have been an invited speaker in Europe, Asia, the Middle East and South America, a Visiting Professor at the University of Gdańsk, Visiting Fellow at Trinity College Dublin Law School, and Visiting Scholar at iCourts (the Centre of Excellence for International Courts at the University of Copenhagen).edit
This is an interview with the blog of the International Association of Constitutional Law (IACL) about my recently published book, The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders (Cambridge University Press, 2017).... more
This is an interview with the blog of the International Association of Constitutional Law (IACL) about my recently published book, The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders (Cambridge University Press, 2017). It was published on the blog on 20 February 2018.
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The present democratic recession has raised three central issues for public lawyers worldwide, which have yet to receive systematic analysis: First, what is new about the nature of contemporary democratic decay and constitutional crises?... more
The present democratic recession has raised three central issues for public lawyers worldwide, which have yet to receive systematic analysis: First, what is new about the nature of contemporary democratic decay and constitutional crises? Second, how have public law mechanisms evolved worldwide in response to the democratic recession? Third, what conceptual and theoretical frameworks have we developed to understand and assess this new reality, and are they adequate? This presentation sought to present a brief initial mapping of the current state of thinking and institutional development in this area, and to make the case that systematic analysis is sorely needed if we are to make sense of this democratic recession, its impact on the evolution of public law, and the adequacy of the public law response to democratic backsliding. The overall aim is to spark discussion on this subject. Feedback and comments are very welcome.
Research Interests: Constitutional Law, International Law, Democratic Theory, International organizations, Courts, and 24 moreDemocratization, Governance, International Political Economy, Commonwealth, Comparative Constitutional Law, Public International Law, European Union, Democracy, Authoritarianism, Council of Europe, Organization of American States, African Union, Public Law, Democracy and Good Governance, European Court of Human Rights, ECHR, Democracy Building and Democratization, Venice Commission, Democratic Transitions, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Inter-american Commission of Human Rights, Politics of International Development, Democratic Decay, and American Convention on Human Rights
This was a presentation to Masters students at the University of Edinburgh on 'Using Social Media'
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Existing scholarship tends to suggest that regional human rights courts have been key actors in supporting democratisation in states that have transitioned to democracy since 1945; in Europe and Latin America especially. James Sweeney... more
Existing scholarship tends to suggest that regional human rights courts have been key actors in supporting democratisation in states that have transitioned to democracy since 1945; in Europe and Latin America especially. James Sweeney asserts that the European Court of Human Rights “has been a vital part of European democratic consolidation and integration for over half a century…”. Diego García-Sayan, former president of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, tells us that the Court “has turned out to be very important for the strengthening of democracy and the improvement of human rights in the Americas”, while Nina Binder opines that the Court’s “far-reaching exercise of authority in the field of amnesties and the broad interpretation of its own mandate seem to further democratization in various Latin American countries.”
Yet, a closer look reveals that the impact of these courts is easily exaggerated. In the first place, the role of these courts on democratisation hinges to a large extent on what one understands as ‘democratisation’. Second, even where courts have engaged in robust decision-making, various factors tend to dilute the impact of these decisions on the ground. This seminar will address these two questions, and argue that there is relatively slim evidence for existing representations of regional human rights courts as key actors in democracy-building.
Yet, a closer look reveals that the impact of these courts is easily exaggerated. In the first place, the role of these courts on democratisation hinges to a large extent on what one understands as ‘democratisation’. Second, even where courts have engaged in robust decision-making, various factors tend to dilute the impact of these decisions on the ground. This seminar will address these two questions, and argue that there is relatively slim evidence for existing representations of regional human rights courts as key actors in democracy-building.
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The growing threat to liberal democracy worldwide is, in many ways, a political party threat. Recent years have witnessed the rise of a range of authoritarian populist, illiberal, far-right, nativist, and extremist parties. Some have... more
The growing threat to liberal democracy worldwide is, in many ways, a political party threat. Recent years have witnessed the rise of a range of authoritarian populist, illiberal, far-right, nativist, and extremist parties. Some have entered government in countries including Hungary, Poland, Austria, and Italy. Germany's Alternativ für Deutschland (AfD) is now the main parliamentary opposition. Beyond Europe we see democratic structures threatened or incrementally dismantled through the subversion of an established democratic party by an outsider (e.g. Donald Trump in the United States or Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines) or ascendance of the extremist wing of a right-wing party (e.g. India's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)). Parties and party leaders occupying an ill-defined space on the political spectrum-a form of "far-right lite"-today generally present a much greater threat to democratic gov-ernance than overtly antidemocratic fringe outfits, such as Germany's National Democratic Party (NPD). The ambiguity of such parties, their growing size, their entry into government , the subversion of "good" democratic parties by a "bad" leadership, and the rise of the "shadow party" and intensifying external control mean that contemporary political party threats seriously frustrate the possibility of remedial action afforded by existing public law and policy mechanisms. They also require us to reflect anew on crafting novel remedies and to revisit our deep assumptions about parties as creatures of central constitutional importance.
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Ab initio, what most has impressed me is the political ambiguity embedded in the COVID-19 crisis and, hence, the uncertainty of its outcome. The core of this ambiguity seems to me to lie in the radical distance between what it could and... more
Ab initio, what most has impressed me is the political ambiguity embedded in the COVID-19 crisis and, hence, the uncertainty of its outcome. The core of this ambiguity seems to me to lie in the radical distance between what it could and should do to ‘real-existing’ democracy (RED) in principle and what it is more likely to do in practice, i.e. between what might be done and what probably will be done in terms of public policy and institutional reform. Author: Philippe Schmitter
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The Greek case is comparatively interesting in many ways. Greece has emerged from an economic crisis lasting nearly ten years (2009-2019); a crisis that led to harsh austerity measures and brought to action the judicial control on the... more
The Greek case is comparatively interesting in many ways. Greece has emerged from an economic crisis lasting nearly ten years (2009-2019); a crisis that led to harsh austerity measures and brought to action the judicial control on the constitutionality of the relevant legislation, but also its compatibility with EU law and the European Convention on Human Rights. The Greek Debt Crisis also led to changes in the rules of the economic governance of the EU and the Eurozone.
During the current pandemic crisis, Greece reacted swiftly to the threat and has imposed restrictions on freedom of movement and other measures of social distancing- with success, as shown in epidemiological data. All the while, the Greek Parliament remains in operation, without imposing a state of emergency, without requesting derogation from the ECHR and with all the procedural channels open to judicial control. Author: Evangelos Venizelos
During the current pandemic crisis, Greece reacted swiftly to the threat and has imposed restrictions on freedom of movement and other measures of social distancing- with success, as shown in epidemiological data. All the while, the Greek Parliament remains in operation, without imposing a state of emergency, without requesting derogation from the ECHR and with all the procedural channels open to judicial control. Author: Evangelos Venizelos
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There never is a good time for a crisis. Yet, in every crisis shortcomings come visible to the surface and the cliché goes that every crisis is an opportunity. The crisis that we shall look at certainly is a chance for assessing the... more
There never is a good time for a crisis. Yet, in every crisis shortcomings come visible to the surface and the cliché goes that every crisis is an opportunity. The crisis that we shall look at certainly is a chance for assessing the present conditions and strengthening the structures. This paper shall analyze the constitutional aspects of the state of emergency in the Republic of North Macedonia. The first part of the paper shall briefly report on the constitutional provisions regarding the state of war and state of emergency; the second part shall give a short overview of the emergence of the virus COVID-19 in the country and the legal acts it initiated; the third part shall be dedicated to the specificity of the state of emergency without parliamentary control due to the interpretation that once-dissolved Parliament that is to hold parliamentary elections is not able to meet again- not even in a state of emergency. Author:Anonymous
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Australia and New Zealand have gained international recognition for their COVID-19 curve-crushing success. NZ, particularly (due to Jacinda Ardern's superstar status) is seen as the model. However, the main lesson is that all governments... more
Australia and New Zealand have gained international recognition for their COVID-19 curve-crushing success. NZ, particularly (due to Jacinda Ardern's superstar status) is seen as the model. However, the main lesson is that all governments need to be more anticipatory in their policy-making style. We might not be so lucky next time. Authors: Prof. Sonia Mazey & Prof. Jeremy Richardson
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This is the launch announcement for the Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC) www.democratic-decay.org carried on Verfassungsblog and the International Association of Constitutional Law (IACL) Blog on Monday 25 June. A shorter announcement... more
This is the launch announcement for the Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC) www.democratic-decay.org carried on Verfassungsblog and the International Association of Constitutional Law (IACL) Blog on Monday 25 June. A shorter announcement was carried on the I-CONnect Blog on 25 June.
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This is the current Bibliography on democratic decay on the Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC) - www.democratic-decay.org. It covers constitutional, international and transnational law and will be updated monthly based on new research,... more
This is the current Bibliography on democratic decay on the Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC) - www.democratic-decay.org. It covers constitutional, international and transnational law and will be updated monthly based on new research, items that come to attention, and suggestions from DEM-DEC users.
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At first glance, it appears that the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – the first pancontinental court of the African Union (AU) for human rights protection – epitomises the advances made by international courts in Africa in the... more
At first glance, it appears that the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – the first pancontinental court of the African Union (AU) for human rights protection – epitomises the advances made by international courts in Africa in the past decade. Since its first judgment in 2009 the Court has taken a robust approach to its mandate and its docket is growing apace. However, a closer look at the overall context in which the Court operates reveals that it is susceptible to many of the patterns of resistance that have hampered other international courts in the region, which cut across the development of its authority and impact. This paper analyses the forms and patterns of resistance against the African Court and the actors involved, emphasising the additional difficulties entailed in mapping resistance to a young court compared to long-established courts, such as the European and Inter-American human rights courts.
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What role can international organisations play in addressing state-level democratic decay? (i.e., the incremental degradation of the structures and substance of liberal constitutional democracy). This question is at the forefront of my... more
What role can international organisations play in addressing state-level democratic decay? (i.e., the incremental degradation of the structures and substance of liberal constitutional democracy). This question is at the forefront of my mind as I write, having travelled from the continent-wide African Judicial Dialogue in Tanzania last week – convened by the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights under the aegis of the African Union – to attend a three-day seminar in Florence on the role of regional and international organisations in protecting liberal democracy in Europe, Latin America and Africa against a rising tide of illiberalism. An Executive Training Seminar organised by the School of Transnational Governance at the European University Institute,, the seminar brings together high-level policy actors, leading scholars, and practitioners across the three regions, providing a much-needed opportunity to examine this issue in depth.
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In the present era of democratic decay – the incremental degradation of the structures and substance of liberal constitutional democracy worldwide – what are the possible futures we can envisage, and why does this matter for public law?
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The idea of ‘union’ was the central constitutional focus for the United Kingdom in 2016. The nature of the United Kingdom (UK) as a multinational state was radically overhauled by the Scotland Act 2016 and by the bill that became the... more
The idea of ‘union’ was the central constitutional focus for the United Kingdom in 2016. The nature of the United Kingdom (UK) as a
multinational state was radically overhauled by the Scotland Act 2016 and by the bill that became the Wales Act 2017. But 2016 will surely be best remembered for the referendum held on membership of the European Union (EU) and the dramatic decision taken
by the British people to leave a union that has exerted such an extensive influence on the British constitution since 1973.
multinational state was radically overhauled by the Scotland Act 2016 and by the bill that became the Wales Act 2017. But 2016 will surely be best remembered for the referendum held on membership of the European Union (EU) and the dramatic decision taken
by the British people to leave a union that has exerted such an extensive influence on the British constitution since 1973.
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A recent amendment to the Basic Law of Germany empowers the state to deprive anti-democratic political parties of federal funding. At first glance this might appear to present a useful way of combating anti-democratic parties in Germany,... more
A recent amendment to the Basic Law of Germany empowers the state to deprive anti-democratic political parties of federal funding. At first glance this might appear to present a useful way of combating anti-democratic parties in Germany, which might be adopted across Europe and beyond. However, the legitimacy and effectiveness of such measures is open to significant question, and may distract us not only from alternative measures that have greater potential, but also the need to focus on the root causes for the rise in support for anti-democratic populist parties.
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Does democratic decay matter more in some democracies than others? This column suggests that democratic decay in a small number of 'keystone democracies' worldwide, such as the US, France, India and South Africa, could have a very... more
Does democratic decay matter more in some democracies than others? This column suggests that democratic decay in a small number of 'keystone democracies' worldwide, such as the US, France, India and South Africa, could have a very significant impact on the global democratic project, and global constitutionalism, even if decay does not take place elsewhere.
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As the countdown to the UK’s election continues, I sat down with PURSUIT's editor Imogen Crump for a Q&A about what happens next and who’s going to benefit
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Recent scholarship raises two key questions: how is democratic decay worldwide expanding the frontiers of comparative law? And just how useful is comparative analysis in furthering our understanding of this phenomenon?
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This research paper originated in a workshop held at Edinburgh Law School on 27 October 2016 and presents a clear and concise overview of the complex constitutional and legal landscape relating to Brexit and the Conservative government's... more
This research paper originated in a workshop held at Edinburgh Law School on 27 October 2016 and presents a clear and concise overview of the complex constitutional and legal landscape relating to Brexit and the Conservative government's plans for a British Bill of Rights.
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Research Interests: Democracy and Public Law
This blog post argues that a central problem giving rise to the threat of democratic decay in states such as the US and UK is 'constitutional ignorance' among the public, which encompasses lack of knowledge, strongly held misconceptions,... more
This blog post argues that a central problem giving rise to the threat of democratic decay in states such as the US and UK is 'constitutional ignorance' among the public, which encompasses lack of knowledge, strongly held misconceptions, and disdain for law as élite knowledge. This problem is giving rise to the election of constitutionally illiterate governments, which itself raises the problem of a 'feedback loop' between the governed and government leading to increasing marginalisation of constitutional principles in policy formation and governance. One solution discussed is enhancing constitutional knowledge among the public by reversing a decades-long trend in reducing civic education.
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This blog posts presents a brief overview of new literature across a variety of disciplines and research fields, concerning the phenomenon of democratic decay, which can be defined as the incremental degradation of the structures and... more
This blog posts presents a brief overview of new literature across a variety of disciplines and research fields, concerning the phenomenon of democratic decay, which can be defined as the incremental degradation of the structures and substance of liberal democracy. The post argues that it is time to view these disparate enquiries as a more coherent literature, in order to more effectively push forward our understanding of democratic decay and how public law can be used to counter this phenomenon.
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Can courts really 'build' democracy in a state emerging from undemocratic rule? In contemporary thought, courts are perceived as central components in any political settlement aimed at achieving a functioning democratic order in a... more
Can courts really 'build' democracy in a state emerging from undemocratic rule? In contemporary thought, courts are perceived as central components in any political settlement aimed at achieving a functioning democratic order in a previously authoritarian state (this piece, unlike others in the special collection, does not specifically address post-conflict contexts). The past four decades have witnessed an increasing tendency in post-authoritarian states to place significant faith in courts as guardians of the new democratic dispensation–a trend replicated in contemporary democracy-building projects (e.g. Tunisia). Constitutional courts (including supreme courts) are expected not only to breathe life into the paper promises of the democratic constitutional text, but also, increasingly, to guard and build democracy itself by policing political adherence to emerging transnational norms of democratic governance. Outside the state, regional human rights courts have also been cast as democracy-builders, acting as a support, backup mechanism, and even surrogate for domestic courts. Yet, despite this 'court obsession', our understanding of courts as democracy-builders remains critically underdeveloped. This article argues that while it has been assumed that courts have a central role to play in democracy-building, this assumption is based on rather slim evidence and undermined by yawning gaps in existing research.
Research Interests: Constitutional Law, Human Rights Law, International Law, Human Rights, Democratic Theory, and 19 moreCourts, Democratization, International Human Rights Law, Comparative Constitutional Law, Democracy, Constitutional Theory, South African Constitutional Court, Constitutional History, Inter-American Human Rights System, European Court of Human Rights, Democracy Building and Democratization, German Federal Constitutional Court, Italian Constitutional Court, Democratic Transitions, Transnational law, Colombian Constitutional Court, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, and Corte Constitucional De Colombia
A new book on the Supreme Court of Ireland provides two valuable lessons for scholars and policymakers outside Ireland dealing with political attacks on courts. First, in its forensic and sustained account of the discord within the... more
A new book on the Supreme Court of Ireland provides two valuable lessons for scholars and policymakers outside Ireland dealing with political attacks on courts. First, in its forensic and sustained account of the discord within the Supreme Court on how best to counter the proposed salary reduction, it provides a window into the internal institutional difficulties and lack of consensus courts can face when attempting to address external threats. Second, it provides some explanation as to why courts can often prove ineffective in countering such threats.
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This blog post provides a brief mapping of the way public law has evolved in the past decade to address democratic backsliding and constitutional crises across the globe, and argues that systematic analysis is sorely needed if we are to... more
This blog post provides a brief mapping of the way public law has evolved in the past decade to address democratic backsliding and constitutional crises across the globe, and argues that systematic analysis is sorely needed if we are to make sense of the way public law (both domestic and international) has mutated in recent years, and to assess the adequacy of the new mechanisms developed to stem democratic decay. The blog post is a summary of a full-length article I am working on, which may provide the basis for a new book project. I welcome feedback and comments.
Research Interests: Constitutional Law, International Law, Courts, Democratization, Brazil, and 14 moreEuropean Union, Poland, Authoritarianism, India, Organization of American States, Public Law, European Court of Human Rights, Democracy Building and Democratization, Constitutional Change, Venice Commission, Constitutional Courts, Researching on Constitutional Crisis and Political Change, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and Human Rights Backsliding
This paper explores the difference between `universality', `cosmopolitanism' and `internationalisation' by contrasting judicial dialogue and community in Europe and South America; two regional constellations which include national orders,... more
This paper explores the difference between `universality', `cosmopolitanism' and `internationalisation' by contrasting judicial dialogue and community in Europe and South America; two regional constellations which include national orders, regional
human rights systems and the legal orders of regional integration projects.
By focusing on the relatively underdeveloped and fragmented nature of regional
integration, judicial dialogue and community in South America, the paper emphasises that the region does not simply replicate the European experience. Law and the courts in South America have not `stepped away' from the state to the same extent,
with the result that the region cannot be characterised as a postnational order in the European mould.
human rights systems and the legal orders of regional integration projects.
By focusing on the relatively underdeveloped and fragmented nature of regional
integration, judicial dialogue and community in South America, the paper emphasises that the region does not simply replicate the European experience. Law and the courts in South America have not `stepped away' from the state to the same extent,
with the result that the region cannot be characterised as a postnational order in the European mould.
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Global Roundtable - Democracy 2020: On 18-26 November the International Association of Constitutional Law (IACL) Global Roundtable ‘Democracy 2020: Assessing Constitutional Decay, Breakdown, and Renewal Worldwide’ will take place as... more
Global Roundtable - Democracy 2020: On 18-26 November the International Association of Constitutional Law (IACL) Global Roundtable ‘Democracy 2020: Assessing Constitutional Decay, Breakdown, and Renewal Worldwide’ will take place as series of 9 inter-connected webinars. Featuring 50 speakers from 5 continents across 5 days, the webinars will be devoted to an array of themes including global and regional overviews, challenges from algorithmic governance to vote suppression, understudied countries, key actors like courts, parliaments and parties, and possible remedies and renewal of our democratic systems. The Roundtable is co-sponsored by the Laureate Program in Comparative Constitutional Law (Melbourne Law School) and the Melbourne School of Government.
Event website: www.iacl-democracy-2020.org
Event website: www.iacl-democracy-2020.org
Research Interests: Constitutional Law, European Constitutionalism, Comparative Constitutional Law, Democracy, Democratisation, and 10 moreConstitutionalism, Constitutional Politics, Radical Democracy, Islam and Democracy, Indian Constitutional Law, Democratic consolidation, Democratic Transitions, Indian Constitution, Democratie, and Constitutional Law Theory
This report was produced under a consultancy contract with the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights. Copyright rests with the African Court. The report proposes a design for an African Judicial Network to link highest domestic... more
This report was produced under a consultancy contract with the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights. Copyright rests with the African Court. The report proposes a design for an African Judicial Network to link highest domestic courts, regional community courts and continental courts across the African Union. My proposed design, based on a wide-ranging review of international judicial networks and analysis of the specific context of the AU, was adopted by the delegates at the African Judicial Dialogue held in Arusha, Tanzania on 9-11 November 2017. The Network will be developed in the coming years.
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What promise does the possible establishment of a constitutional court hold out for Sri Lanka in the context of the ongoing constitution drafting process? This Working Paper, building on a recent CPA Working Paper by Dr Nihal... more
What promise does the possible establishment of a constitutional court hold out for Sri Lanka in the context of the ongoing constitution drafting process? This Working Paper, building on a recent CPA Working Paper by Dr Nihal Jayawickrama, aims to encourage reflection on three inter-related overarching questions: What, overall, do we expect a constitutional court to do that an alternative (e.g. reform of the Supreme Court) could not achieve? What powers and jurisdiction would a constitutional court have? Considering experiences in other countries, what possible pitfalls need to be considered? The fundamental message of this paper is to guard against expecting too much from a constitutional court, and that the potential of any constitutional court would lie in the details of not only whether Sri Lanka provides fertile soil for such an institution, the achievement of wider structural reforms, and how it is constructed, but also unknown factors such as whether judges on a constitutional court would take an assertive approach. In considering these questions, the author draws on his broad comparative research in a forthcoming book with Cambridge University Press, The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders.
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This report presents a summary of discussions held at a framing workshop in The Hague to discuss the role of the judiciary in constitutional transitions.On 14–15 November 2014, jointly hosted by the International Institute for Democracy... more
This report presents a summary of discussions held at a framing workshop in The Hague to discuss the role of the judiciary in constitutional transitions.On 14–15 November 2014, jointly hosted by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) and the International Development Law Organization (IDLO). The workshop provided a forum for policymakers, judges and scholars to share experiences between jurisdictions in order to deepen understanding of the roles judiciaries have played in past and present transitions. Its objective was to generate dialogue on common and distinct challenges, successes and lessons learned.
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This talk was given to Master's students on the University of Copenhagen's MA level course 'Transitions to Democracy'.
Research Interests: Democratic Theory, Courts, Democratization, European Court of Human Rights, Tunisian Revolution-Arab Spring, and 4 moreConstitutional Courts, turkish constitutional court, republican people's party, judicialization of politics in Turkey, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights
Is the Constitutional Court of South Africa snubbing the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights? The two courts appear to be natural allies, having both elaborated a robust jurisprudence promoting civil-political and socio-economic... more
Is the Constitutional Court of South Africa snubbing the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights? The two courts appear to be natural allies, having both elaborated a robust jurisprudence promoting civil-political and socio-economic rights, accountability, political participation, and good governance. However, despite the African Court having issued a raft of landmark merits judgments since June 2013, the South African Constitutional Court has yet to cite its jurisprudence. This paper attempts to account for this apparent lacuna in South African case-law, placing it against the Constitutional Court’s overall approach to citing international law and courts, and arguing that it cannot be simply explained by the fact that South Africa has yet to make the special declaration required to permit individual and NGO petitions to the African Court, or that the African Court has not issued any judgment regarding South Africa. Rather, a range of other possible explanatory factors appear to be at play, including: the State’s position as a ‘reluctant regionalist’; institutional factors (primarily, the Constitutional Court’s possible preference to retain constitutional supremacy and adjudicative autonomy, and the African Court’s youth); and broader structural factors (such as a lack of citations in submissions to the Court and a civil society view of the African Court as an alien entity). The paper’s main claim is that this matters for two reasons: first, it deprives South African jurisprudence of sources that could enrich it and anchor it in the developing regional human rights system; and second, because the South African Constitutional Court is in a uniquely influential position to support the development of the African Court as a key site for the elaboration of a transregional community centred on the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights; by far the most widely ratified rights treaty in the African Union.
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Brazil is a useful case-study in the use, and limits, of the term 'populism', and the different ways in which the 'p-word' is said to influence or threaten liberal democratic constitutionalism. Over a decade of what was often termed... more
Brazil is a useful case-study in the use, and limits, of the term 'populism', and the different ways in which the 'p-word' is said to influence or threaten liberal democratic constitutionalism. Over a decade of what was often termed left-wing populist governance, under Presidents Lula and Dilma, is viewed in some quarters as having produced not only a revenge of the élites in the " abusive impeachment " of Dilma Rousseff, but also a wider right-wing populism whose Trump-like figurehead, Jair Bolsonaro, is a leading candidate in the 2018 presidential elections. Populism as a term does have some utility in the attempt to capture the growing strength of a particular technology of political messaging and governance in Brazil, and to compare these developments with the rise of populism elsewhere. However, the Brazilian context also emphasises that, when used as the dominant analytical lens, it can impede a fuller appreciation of a complex reality.
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The concept of illiberal democracy is now widely used but is a problematic term. As an increasing number of states have suffered significant attacks on their democratic systems, such as Hungary or Poland, the term has been used to... more
The concept of illiberal democracy is now widely used but is a problematic term. As an increasing number of states have suffered significant attacks on their democratic systems, such as Hungary or Poland, the term has been used to describe the resulting 'hybrid' system of governance fusing elements of democratic and authoritarian rule, viewed as mirroring that in longer-standing governance systems such as Turkey, Russia or Singapore. However, the term is applied to a wide variety of states, of varying levels of political freedom, and which can begin from different starting points (e.g. a 'democratising' authoritarian state, or a 'decaying' liberal democracy) or relate to a stable and long-established system of governance.
This paper, by combining conceptual and comparative analysis, will argue that the concept of 'illiberal democracy' is problematic, or at least needs to be used with significant caution, for three main reasons: (i) incompatibility with contemporary understandings of democracy; (ii) the stark differences between 'illiberal democracies'; and (iii) the availability of possibly more useful terms. Fundamentally, the paper argues that the term 'hybrid regime' may be a more appropriate term. 2
This paper, by combining conceptual and comparative analysis, will argue that the concept of 'illiberal democracy' is problematic, or at least needs to be used with significant caution, for three main reasons: (i) incompatibility with contemporary understandings of democracy; (ii) the stark differences between 'illiberal democracies'; and (iii) the availability of possibly more useful terms. Fundamentally, the paper argues that the term 'hybrid regime' may be a more appropriate term. 2
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Decay in the democratic systems of states worldwide, such as Hungary, Poland, Venezuela, South Africa, and the US, has gathered pace in the past decade, forming a subset of what Larry Diamond calls a global 'democratic recession'. After... more
Decay in the democratic systems of states worldwide, such as Hungary, Poland, Venezuela, South Africa, and the US, has gathered pace in the past decade, forming a subset of what Larry Diamond calls a global 'democratic recession'. After briefly sketching the decline of democracy worldwide, this paper considers the challenge of diagnosing and framing democratic decay as a phenomenon in three parts. The first part examines existing concepts and rubrics used in relation to this phenomenon, with a central focus on Aziz Huq and Tom Ginsburg's concept of 'constitutional retrogression'. The second part compares the constitutional retrogression framework and the author's democratic decay framework. Third, the democratic decay framework is applied to four separate country case-studies: Venezuela, Poland, South Africa, and Brazil. This demonstrates the framework's ability to capture common dynamics and patterns from state to state, while also accommodating divergences and local factors. On the basis of close analysis of the four country case-studies, it is argued that existing frameworks do not fully capture the variety and complexity of dynamics of democratic decay in different states, and that greater attention must be paid to what democratic states can be compared.
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When we think of constitutional courts and South Africa, we inevitably (and understandably) think of one institution: the Constitutional Court in Johannesburg. As regards dominant party democracy, the constitutional framework reposes... more
When we think of constitutional courts and South Africa, we inevitably (and understandably) think of one institution: the Constitutional Court in Johannesburg. As regards dominant party democracy, the constitutional framework reposes considerable faith in the Constitutional Court to act as a key bulwark against capture of the democratic process by the African National Congress (ANC), and the Court has a mixed record in this regard. Entirely missing from the narrative is the potential role of other 'constitutional' courts as a further firewall against capture; chiefly the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights. This paper will discuss why, and how, South Africa's post-apartheid constitutional system has made little space for the role of international courts as a 'back-up' constraint, and why this matters as we enter a new political context of declining ANC hegemony and the potential for heightened 'capture tactics' this may bring.
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Democratic decay, which may be loosely defined as the incremental degradation of the structures and substance of liberal constitutional democracy, has gathered pace in recent years. Decay in the democratic systems of states worldwide,... more
Democratic decay, which may be loosely defined as the incremental degradation of the structures and substance of liberal constitutional democracy, has gathered pace in recent years. Decay in the democratic systems of states worldwide, such as Hungary, Poland, Venezuela, and South Africa, forms a sub-set of what Larry Diamond calls a global ‘democratic recession’. Public law is at the heart of this decay. Partly this is because various contemporary regimes have ‘weaponised’ public law to hollow out democratic rule, through increasingly sophisticated use of constitutional law to remove institutional constraints on political power. Partly it is because public law is also inevitably seen as an essential tool in the pushback against democratic decay, given that law has assumed an ever greater role in governance since the 1970s. Focusing on the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in August 2016 and its aftermath, this paper uses the Brazilian context as a way to explore three interrelated questions: (i) how might we define democratic decay?; (ii) can we say that Brazil is suffering democratic decay, and why?; and (iii) how does the Brazilian impeachment crisis add to, or complicate, our understanding of democratic decay, and the role of public law in such decay?
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This is the English-language text of a chapter written for a forthcoming Mexican Spanish-language book commemorating the centenary of the 1917 Constitution of Mexico. With the book editors' permission, I am now re-working the chapter as... more
This is the English-language text of a chapter written for a forthcoming Mexican Spanish-language book commemorating the centenary of the 1917 Constitution of Mexico. With the book editors' permission, I am now re-working the chapter as an article for submission to an English-language journal. Feedback is very welcome.
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This bibliography is a work-in-progress for a book project on the role of public law in countering democratic decay. Suggestions for additions are welcome and may be e-mailed to Tom.Daly@ed.ac.uk. It may be noted that the bibliography... more
This bibliography is a work-in-progress for a book project on the role of public law in countering democratic decay. Suggestions for additions are welcome and may be e-mailed to Tom.Daly@ed.ac.uk. It may be noted that the bibliography pays particular attention to a number of states (Brazil, Poland, Hungary, the Philippines, South Africa, and the US) and encompasses national, transnational, and international law.
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This is the Index for my book 'The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders' (Cambridge University Press, 2017). - Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017 - Publication date (US): December 2017 - Order at:... more
This is the Index for my book 'The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders' (Cambridge University Press, 2017).
- Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017
- Publication date (US): December 2017
- Order at: http://bit.ly/2yeU1jf
- Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017
- Publication date (US): December 2017
- Order at: http://bit.ly/2yeU1jf
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This is an excerpt from the Introduction to my book 'The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders' (Cambridge University Press, 2017). - Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017 - Publication date (US):... more
This is an excerpt from the Introduction to my book 'The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders' (Cambridge University Press, 2017).
- Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017
- Publication date (US): December 2017
- Order at: http://bit.ly/2yeU1jf
- Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017
- Publication date (US): December 2017
- Order at: http://bit.ly/2yeU1jf
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This is the Front Matter for my book 'The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders' (Cambridge University Press, 2017). It includes the preface of the book, titled 'Our Court Obsession' - Publication date (UK &... more
This is the Front Matter for my book 'The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders' (Cambridge University Press, 2017). It includes the preface of the book, titled 'Our Court Obsession'
- Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017
- Publication date (US): December 2017
- Order at: http://bit.ly/2yeU1jf
- Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017
- Publication date (US): December 2017
- Order at: http://bit.ly/2yeU1jf
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This is the Table of Contents for my book 'The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders' (Cambridge University Press, 2017). - Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017 - Publication date (US): December 2017... more
This is the Table of Contents for my book 'The Alchemists: Questioning Our Faith in Courts as Democracy-Builders' (Cambridge University Press, 2017).
- Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017
- Publication date (US): December 2017
- Order at: http://bit.ly/2yeU1jf
- Publication date (UK & Europe): 2 November 2017
- Publication date (US): December 2017
- Order at: http://bit.ly/2yeU1jf
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Can courts really build democracy in a state emerging from authoritarian rule? This book presents a searching critique of the contemporary global model of democracy-building for post-authoritarian states, arguing that it places excessive... more
Can courts really build democracy in a state emerging from authoritarian rule? This book presents a searching critique of the contemporary global model of democracy-building for post-authoritarian states, arguing that it places excessive reliance on courts. Since 1945, both constitutional courts and international human rights courts have been increasingly perceived as alchemists, capable of transmuting the base materials of a nascent democracy into the gold of a functioning democratic system. By charting the development of this model and critically analysing the evidence and claims for courts as democracy-builders, this book argues that the decades-long trend toward ever greater reliance on courts is based as much on faith as fact, and can often be counter-productive. Offering a sustained corrective to unrealistic perceptions of courts as democracy-builders, the book points the way toward a much needed rethinking of democracy-building models and a re-evaluation of how we employ courts in this role.
Research Interests: Constitutional Law, Courts, Governance, International Human Rights Law, Comparative Constitutional Law, and 9 moreInternational Courts And Tribunals, Democracy, Democratisation, Authoritarianism, Inter-American Human Rights System, European Court of Human Rights, Constitutional Courts, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights
Can courts really build democracy in a state emerging from authoritarian rule? This book presents a searching critique of the contemporary global model of democracy-building for post-authoritarian states, arguing that it places excessive... more
Can courts really build democracy in a state emerging from authoritarian
rule? This book presents a searching critique of the contemporary global
model of democracy-building for post-authoritarian states, arguing that it
places excessive reliance on courts. Since 1945, both constitutional courts and international human rights courts have been increasingly perceived as alchemists, capable of transmuting the base materials of a nascent democracy into the gold of a functioning democratic system. By charting the development of this model and critically analysing the evidence and claims for courts as democracy-builders, this book argues that the decades-long trend toward ever greater reliance on courts is based as much on faith as fact, and can often be counter-productive. Offering a sustained corrective to unrealistic perceptions of courts as democracy-builders, the book points the way toward a much needed rethinking of democracy-building models and a re-evaluation of how we employ courts in this role.
Information and book orders at: bit.ly/2vw0Go6
rule? This book presents a searching critique of the contemporary global
model of democracy-building for post-authoritarian states, arguing that it
places excessive reliance on courts. Since 1945, both constitutional courts and international human rights courts have been increasingly perceived as alchemists, capable of transmuting the base materials of a nascent democracy into the gold of a functioning democratic system. By charting the development of this model and critically analysing the evidence and claims for courts as democracy-builders, this book argues that the decades-long trend toward ever greater reliance on courts is based as much on faith as fact, and can often be counter-productive. Offering a sustained corrective to unrealistic perceptions of courts as democracy-builders, the book points the way toward a much needed rethinking of democracy-building models and a re-evaluation of how we employ courts in this role.
Information and book orders at: bit.ly/2vw0Go6
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U.S. debates on reforming the Supreme Court, including controversial arguments to break the norm against court-packing to repair the democratic system, have generally focused on historical precedents and the domestic system, with scant... more
U.S. debates on reforming the Supreme Court, including controversial arguments to break the norm against court-packing to repair the democratic system, have generally focused on historical precedents and the domestic system, with scant comparative analysis. However, the U.S. debate raises fundamental questions for comparative constitutional lawyers regarding the paradoxes of constitutional repair in contexts of democratic decay, framed here as a distinct category of constitutional transition. This study argues that sharpening our analytical tools for understanding such reforms requires a novel comparative and theoretical approach valorizing the experiences of Global South states and drawing on, and connecting, insights across four overlapping research fields: Democratic decay, democratization, constitution-building, and transitional justice. The article accordingly pursues comparative analysis of the legitimacy of court-packing through case-studies of Turkey and Argentina to offer a...
Research Interests: Law and German Law
MEYER, Emilio Peluso Neder. Constitutional Erosion in Brazil. Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2021.
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The incremental deterioration of democratic rule worldwide is one of the most pressing global challenges today, and public lawyers are indispensable to the search for greater understanding of this phenomenon, and to the search for... more
The incremental deterioration of democratic rule worldwide is one of the most pressing global challenges today, and public lawyers are indispensable to the search for greater understanding of this phenomenon, and to the search for potential solutions. This challenge is now the focus of one of the most rapidly expanding research areas in public law: every week more research appears and more events and projects are announced as scholars push to grasp the unfolding and intensifying rollback of democratic progress globally. Yet, much of this global effort is scattered as scholars are cut off from one another by research field boundaries, geographic boundaries, and network boundaries.
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Research Interests: Constitutional Law, Human Rights Law, Human Rights, Political Science, European Union, and 8 moreEuropean Union Law, European Convention of Human Rights, United Kingdom, Social Science Research Network, Politics of Devolution in the UK, Northern Ireland and the Troubles, Devolution in the United kingdom, and Brexit
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: Can courts really ‘build’ democracy in a state emerging from undemocratic rule? In contemporary thought, courts are perceived as central components in any political settlement aimed at achieving a functioning democratic order in a... more
: Can courts really ‘build’ democracy in a state emerging from undemocratic rule? In contemporary thought, courts are perceived as central components in any political settlement aimed at achieving a functioning democratic order in a previously authoritarian state (this piece, unlike others in the special collection, does not specifically address post-conflict contexts). The past four decades have witnessed an increasing tendency in post-authoritarian states to place significant faith in courts as guardians of the new democratic dispensation – a trend replicated in contemporary democracy-building projects (e.g. Tunisia). Constitutional courts (including supreme courts) are expected not only to breathe life into the paper promises of the democratic constitutional text, but also, increasingly, to guard and build democracy itself by policing political adherence to emerging transnational norms of democratic governance. Outside the state, regional human rights courts have also been cast as democracy-builders, acting as a support, backup mechanism, and even surrogate for domestic courts. Yet, despite this ‘court obsession’, our understanding of courts as democracy-builders remains critically underdeveloped. This article argues that while it has been assumed that courts have a central role to play in democracy-building, this assumption is based on rather slim evidence and undermined by yawning gaps in existing research.
Research Interests: Constitutional Law, Human Rights Law, Human Rights, Democratic Theory, Courts, and 15 moreDemocratization, International Human Rights Law, Comparative Constitutional Law, Democracy, Constitutional Theory, Constitutional History, European Court of Human Rights, Global Constitutionalism, Democracy Building and Democratization, German Federal Constitutional Court, Democratic Transitions, Colombian Constitutional Court, Cambridge University, Corte Constitucional De Colombia, and Inter American Human Rights System
The topic of criminal jury reform has simmered in Ireland for some time – in academic discourse at least – with various proposals for reform made over the years. almost without exception, commentators have advocated improvements to the... more
The topic of criminal jury reform has simmered in Ireland for some time – in academic discourse at least – with various proposals for reform made over the years. almost without exception, commentators have advocated improvements to the current criminal jury system (e.g. by providing jurors with more guidance as to their role),2 rather than considering changes to the structure of the system itself.3 official consideration of the jury system has followed a similar approach: the Law reform Commission’s recent Consultation paper on Jury Service, published in March 2010, is
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Existing literature on the Inter-American Human Rights System generally portrays an evolving transnational community of courts, with domestic apex courts and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights engaged in a shared and mutually... more
Existing literature on the Inter-American Human Rights System generally portrays an evolving transnational community of courts, with domestic apex courts and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights engaged in a shared and mutually reinforcing enterprise to vindicate rights and curb the arbitrary exercise of state power. This chapter addresses an underexplored relationship which cuts against this harmonious picture—namely, the rather frosty stance of the Supreme Federal Court of Brazil towards the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. It is argued that this relationship is not only interesting in itself, but highlights the need for further exploration of a number of questions which go to the heart of our understanding of the Inter-American Human Rights System, including the precise requirements of ‘conventionality control’, and the extent to which the Inter-American Court of Human Rights’ jurisprudential approach can accommodate opposing domestic positions. These are questions that have global resonance—in Europe, Africa and in world regions contemplating the establishment of regional human rights courts.
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All moments of profound constitutional change are extraordinary: the choice to replace or overhaul an existing text may be spurred by a variety of circumstances, including perceived failure of a previous iteration of the state, the end of... more
All moments of profound constitutional change are extraordinary: the choice to replace or overhaul an existing text may be spurred by a variety of circumstances, including perceived failure of a previous iteration of the state, the end of an authoritarian regime, the cessation of internal or inter-state conflict, a ‘coming together’ of various political units into a larger federal entity, or conversely, secession of one unit from a larger state. All produce a highly charged political environment, which inevitably impacts the constitutional reform process. The chapters in this section, throwing open a window onto this subject in its theoretical, legal, political, and comparative complexity, emphasise that moments of wholesale constitutional renewal under extreme conditions render what is already a difficult and complex process a legal, political, social, practical and logistical challenge of the highest order.
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All moments of profound constitutional change are extraordinary: the choice to replace or overhaul an existing text may be spurred by a variety of circumstances, including perceived failure of a previous iteration of the state, the end of... more
All moments of profound constitutional change are extraordinary: the choice to replace or overhaul an existing text may be spurred by a variety of circumstances, including perceived failure of a previous iteration of the state, the end of an authoritarian regime, the cessation of internal or inter-state conflict, a ‘coming together’ of various political units into a larger federal entity, or conversely, secession of one unit from a larger state. All produce a highly charged political environment, which inevitably impacts the constitutional reform process. The chapters in this section, throwing open a window onto this subject in its theoretical, legal, political, and comparative complexity, emphasise that moments of wholesale constitutional renewal under extreme conditions render what is already a difficult and complex process a legal, political, social, practical and logistical challenge of the highest order.
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DEM-DEC will be formally launched on Monday 22 October with a panel discussion and reception at the University of Melbourne. The panel discussion – titled ‘Is Democracy Decaying Worldwide? And What Can We Do About It?’ – will provide an... more
DEM-DEC will be formally launched on Monday 22 October with a panel discussion and reception at the University of Melbourne. The panel discussion – titled ‘Is Democracy Decaying Worldwide? And What Can We Do About It?’ – will provide an overview of democratic decay across the globe, with experts providing detail on four selected states: Poland (Wocjiech Sadurski); Venezuela (Raul Sanchez-Urribarri); India (Tarunabh Khaitan); and Australia (Cheryl Saunders). The full programme and details are on DEM-DEC.
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The need for physical distancing during this COVID-19 pandemic has raised the need for innovative campaign methods to be developed by election contestants because conventional campaign methods such as rallies, public meetings, etc. are... more
The need for physical distancing during this COVID-19 pandemic has raised the need for innovative campaign methods to be developed by election contestants because conventional campaign methods such as rallies, public meetings, etc. are prohibited in some jurisdictions. Distant and online election campaigning may be seen as restrictive to both contestants and voters alike due to physical and technological barriers that appear. To what degree is this true? Find the answer and more by following the lecture and read the paper.
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This chapter argues that Wojciech Sadurski’s work on the deterioration of Polish democracy suggests the Polish context may present a bridge between two key conceptual frameworks: democratic breakdown and democratic decay. In his 2019 book... more
This chapter argues that Wojciech Sadurski’s work on the deterioration of Polish democracy suggests the Polish context may present a bridge between two key conceptual frameworks: democratic breakdown and democratic decay. In his 2019 book Poland’s Constitutional Breakdown Wojciech employs the term ‘constitutional breakdown’ to describe how the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party has seriously degraded the democratic constitutional order since 2015. The concept of ‘breakdown’, which has a long pedigree, has fallen out of favour in contemporary literature on the deterioration of democracy worldwide, which rather emphasizes the decline of total breakdown and argues that slower, subtler dismantling of democracy is the dominant threat. This chapter explores the relationship between these frameworks by reflecting on why Wojciech frames the Polish experience as ‘breakdown’ rather than ‘erosion’ or ‘decay’, whether ‘breakdown’ literature offers useful insights beyond ‘democratic decay’ liter...
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On 19 July the Hungarian philosopher Agnes Heller passed away at the age of 90. A survivor of the Holocaust, Heller and her husband moved to Australia in 1977 to escape political persecution, returning after the collapse of Communism in... more
On 19 July the Hungarian philosopher Agnes Heller passed away at the age of 90. A survivor of the Holocaust, Heller and her husband moved to Australia in 1977 to escape political persecution, returning after the collapse of Communism in 1989. In recent years, Heller was a vocal critic of the dismantling of liberal democracy in her home country. Her article ‘Hungary: How Liberty Can Be Lost’, published in Spring 2019, rewards a close read. As Heller put it: