Central Asian Public Opinion is the Latest Battle Front Between Putin and Zelenskiy

The settings were starkly different. An Uzbek honor guard in elaborate uniform greeted Russian President Vladimir Putin after he arrived at Uzbekistan’s Tashkent airport on May 26 for a state visit. Two days earlier, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy gave an interview to Central Asian media in his signature army-green combat-ready t-shirt, sitting in the ruins of a Kharkiv printing house destroyed by Russian missiles.  With the war in Ukraine into its third year, Putin’s trip to Uzbekistan represents part of his broader mission to nurture long-standing trade and security ties with Central Asian countries, who have been trying to walk a delicate line in their relationships with Russia. Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev welcomed Putin with a literal embrace. Their official meeting the next day was scheduled to address bilateral issues and views on “current regional problems,” reported Russia’s state-run news agency Tass.  While in Uzbekistan President Putin had boasted that Russia was Uzbekistan’s biggest trading partner with export growth by 23% this year and had invested over $13 billion in the country. He called Uzbekistan to be the biggest state in Central Asia; praised Mirziyoyev’s language policy that protects Russian language in schools and as an official language in Uzbekistan. Russia has started exporting gas to Uzbekistan through Kazakhstan, with some of the gas staying in Kazakhstan. Some analysts argue that Russia can circumvent sanctions by partly relying on imports, mainly from Europe, that come through Central Asia.  Over in the war-torn Ukrainian city of Kharkiv, President Zelenskiy’s interview with six journalists from Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, some openly affiliated with Radio Free Europe and the Soros Foundation, included a discussion on how to deepen solidarity between the people of Central Asia and Ukraine over a shared anti-Russian sentiment. Zelenskiy tells Central Asians to drop their balancing act towards Russia In the interview, President Zelenskiy challenged Central Asian countries to overcome their economic dependencies and security vulnerabilities and adopt Ukraine’s hardline posture against Russia. The region’s leaders “are still [positioned] more in the Russian direction because of fear of the Kremlin. We [the Ukrainians] have made our choice, we are fighting,” Zelenskiy said, according to a Russian transcript of the interview published by Kazakh media outlet Orda.kz. Zelenskiy told Central Asians and others who are “trying to balance” their relationships with Russia to "not wake the beast" that this strategy will not work because “the beast does not ask anyone: he wakes up when he wants”.  Zelenskiy warned Central Asian people that alongside the Baltic states and Moldova, they, too, face a risk of being invaded by Russia given their Russian populations, which the Kremlin may decide to intervene to protect, as it did in Ukraine. He also added grimly, “if you, your people, resist becoming part of Russia, you will inevitably be waiting for a full-scale invasion, death and war.” Calling on the world to unite against Russia, President Zelenskiy recommended that Central Asians isolate Russia economically and diplomatically, arguing that “balancing acts” to help their economy in the short-term are fleeting whereas values, such as, respect and friendship are “eternal”.  Does Ukraine’s message of solidarity resonate in Central Asia? The premise of President Zelenskiy’s point – that such widespread hostility against Russia either already exists or can be stirred up among the region’s people – is not at all a given.  The first reason is tangible economic and practical considerations that go much further than the “fear of the Kremlin” presumed in President Zelenskiy’s interview. Russia and Central Asian countries cooperate in multiple international groups such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the Commonwealth of Independent States. All five Central Asian republics also belong to the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), which provides mutual defense commitments similar to NATO’s Article 5 as well as crisis response mechanisms, and maintains a military presence at bases in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.  More significantly, Russia comprises a significant proportion of Central Asian states’ foreign trade. As an example, in 2021, imports from Russia represented 42.5 per cent of Kazakhstan’s total imports. Additionally, the legacy of economic ties and infrastructure from the Soviet Union depends on integration between neighboring countries. Anvar Kuspanov, a 44-year-old lawyer from Kazakhstan, gives the critical example of water reservoirs where Russia’s water discharge can have a tangible effect on the levels of Kazakhstan’s rivers.  Ukraine’s pleas to the West to sever energy ties with Russia proved difficult even for the European Union to implement. Some 15% of the bloc’s gas came from Russia in 2023 while Austrian gas imports from Russia stood at an astounding 98 per cent in 2023. Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) exports from the U.S., Qatar, Nigeria and Algeria have made up for Europe’s shortfalls. Landlocked Central Asia, on the other hand, does not have the luxury of such alternative sources, and their most feasible trade route continues to pass through Russia, at least until the Trans-Caspian Middle Corridor increases capacity. Access deficiencies severely impacted the region’s supply chains, pushing inflation up to almost 12 per cent in 2023 compared to a global average of 6.5 per cent. The people, for the large part, want their leaderships to focus on pragmatism in world affairs over national sympathies or ideologies. According to Kuspanov, “breaking economic and diplomatic ties with Russia at once would be suicide”, not to mention the adverse effects it would have on numerous economic associations in which these countries participate. “They say, keep your friend close and your enemy closer,” points out Sultan D., a 66-year-old pensioner also from Kazakhstan: “As long as we are in close relations with Russia with a common market, customs, and so on, nothing will threaten us (…) Our country got back on its feet, largely because we had healthy, pragmatic relations with Russia.” In practice, successful implementation of this balanced pragmatism by Central Asian leaders has resulted in them being criticized by both Russian and Western partners. Nonetheless, it appears to answer public demands. As Marat T., a 32-year-old store owner in Kazakhstan, says, “There should be pragmatism in politics. We have a huge border with Russia and a brisk trade. They produce a lot of quality goods [that] we can't. So there is no sense in quarreling with Russia for the sake of [demonstrating] friendship with Ukraine, who in principle, did not pay attention to Central Asia all these years”. Adding that he has no sympathy or dislike for either side, Marat summarizes what many of his countrymen may feel: “Ukrainian disputes with Russia have nothing to do with us”.  The second issue complicating Central Asia’s position is cultural and historic ties with Russians.  “This is not our war”, Sultan D. argues and adds, “We have different relations with Russia. Kazakhs live there, Russians live here, and we know each other's culture and customs”. The fact that there is affinity towards Russia and its people in parts of Central Asia risks divisions in the region’s societies. According to Kuspanov, in the northern and eastern parts of Kazakhstan, there are a  large number of pro-Russian citizens who express sympathy for Putin. “I believe that it is not tanks and airplanes that we should be afraid of but information and economic pressure that draws Kazakhstan into other people's conflicts”,  warns Kuspanov and adds, “The battle for minds is being waged from all sides - from both the West and the East (…) We are between two fires”.  The third factor is security concerns. In his interview, Zelenskiy posed a question that particularly resonates with Central Asians: “If Ukraine had retained its nuclear weapons, would Russia have dared to attack us?” All Central Asian states are signatories to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) as non-nuclear-weapon states. After inheriting approximately 1,410 nuclear warheads following the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991, Kazakhstan chose to denuclearize and dismantled its nuclear testing infrastructure.  “In case of any external aggression, Kazakhstan will need help. But will such help come in time and will it come at all?” wonders Kuspanov. China is becoming a stronger deterrent against possible Russian aggression in Central Asia. One example is the increasing military-technical cooperation and bilateral exercises between China and Kyrgyzstan's armed forces. China also conducts multilateral military exercises within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) without Russia, showing its support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Central Asian states. Future security cooperation with China is expected to further develop and can even potentially lead to a new pact that guarantees protection against external aggression. Even with higher hopes of outside support in the face of external aggression, however, it is still better not to agitate the aggressor in the first place. “One should try not to quarrel with neighbors, especially strong ones”, says Sultan D. from Kazakhstan. “People always pay for the mistakes of politicians. Zelenskiy, I remember, promised to end the war in Donbas, but instead he got an even worse war.” Walking the fine line is the only way, for now It is clear that various factors such as their integrated infrastructure systems, extensive trade links, existing collective security formats, tens of joint projects, and strong historical and cultural ties put Central Asians in a different position vis-à-vis Russia than the rest of the world. Yet, balances are shifting, albeit slowly, as Central Asian leaders are carefully diversifying their relationships through developing engagements with China, Turkey, and Western nations such as France, Germany and the USA.  To their credit, Central Asian governments have publicly stayed neutral on the war in Ukraine and largely complied with Western sanctions against Russia, even though a handful of Central Asian entities have been slapped with secondary sanctions. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have also provided humanitarian aid of $2.25 million and $1 million respectively to Ukraine. In line with its diplomatic position on sovereignty, territorial integrity and international law, Kazakhstan has openly stated that it does not recognize the self-declared Donetsk and Luhansk republics. The country appeared to have paid a price for this principled stance, however, as a Russian court ordered the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC), which utilizes a Russian controlled terminal in Novorossiysk and land for transit, to suspend activity for 30 days. This negatively impacted Kazakhstan's economy, which relies on hydrocarbons for around 20 per cent of its GDP and uses the CPC for its oil exports.  To date, Ukraine has received over $100 billion, mostly in aid, from the U.S. and its European allies, constituting a lifeline for its defense against Russia’s advancements. Its continuing plight even with such international support, and despite having access to seaports (an advantage Central Asian states lack), is a stark reminder to the region’s countries to keep neutrality, prioritize diplomacy over conflict and firmly stand to protect multilateralism.   In the end, Central Asian states will act in their own best interest, and for the moment, that includes keeping the delicate balance that Zelenskiy wants them to abandon. In his interview with Central Asian journalists, President Zelenskiy said, “I focus on what unites us rather than divides us”. At a time of immense external pressure from all sides, Central Asian leaders are also choosing to focus on the unity and welfare of their own communities. 

Kazakhstan’s President Tokayev Foresees a Bigger Role for Middle Powers in Solving the World’s Problems

Middle powers, sometimes called “swing states”, may rank below superpowers and great powers in terms of their international influence and capacity, but are still quite instrumental in world affairs as they can often remain neutral in big conflicts and benefit from such factors as their geostrategic location, natural resource wealth, diplomatic and economic strength, and/or military capabilities. They can play a key role in overcoming fragmentation of the world economy and secure supply chains through such transit routes as the Middle Corridor. Today, middle powers have the agility to navigate complex political situations in many parts of the world that greater powers simply lack whether due to their own internal dynamics or because they lack the trust of the parties involved in certain conflicts and issues. In terms of realizing the green transition, middle powers can help secure supplies of critical minerals and other key materials. These countries are also often proponents of finding multilateral solutions to international problems.  Kazakhstan is currently among the world’s influential middle powers. On the positive role his country can play, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev recently wrote in a Euronews opinion piece that, “nations like ours possess the economic strength, military capabilities, and, perhaps more importantly, political will and diplomatic acumen necessary to exert significant sway in the global arena on issues ranging from food and energy security, green transition, and IT to the sustainability of supply chains.” These strengths are particularly relevant amidst a global discord where, in Tokayev’s words, “the traditional powerhouses – the world’s economic and political behemoths – are increasingly unable to work together”. Countries like Kazakhstan, on the other hand, “can ensure stability, peace and development in their immediate regions and beyond” and “carve paths toward compromise and reconciliation”. Kazakhstan has deepened its cooperation with other middle powers within Central Asia and the Caucasus to address cross-border challenges such as water security and countering terrorism and narcotrafficking. Its collaboration with Azerbaijan and Turkey has been critical to actualizing the Middle Corridor project that opens Central Asia to Western markets. Kazakhstan is working closely with European states to guarantee their energy needs. For Asian countries, Kazakhstan has come into focus as an attractive foreign investment destination. These middle power collaborations have been formalized through highest-level bilateral meetings. Tokayev has carried out dozens of such meetings in 2024 year alone.  Having come from a long diplomatic career himself, it is encouraging to see President Tokayev’s ongoing support for multilateralism and international cooperation. Kazakhstan will co-chair the inaugural One Water Summit later this year with France to address the global water crisis including the effects of climate change, biodiversity loss and pollution. The event is key to bringing together affected countries and communities from around the world. Additionally, leading regional efforts to counter the effects of climate change, Kazakhstan has offered to host a UN Regional Centre for Sustainable Development Goals on Central Asia and Afghanistan. The country is also undertaking initiatives to advance peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan. “With major powers increasingly unwilling to trust the multilateral process and smaller countries lacking the necessary influence, it is the duty of middle powers to lead the charge”, Tokayev argues. With its unique strengths and a seasoned diplomat as its leader at the helm, Kazakhstan may help lead the way to a new era of strengthened multilateralism, more secure supply chains and greater peace and stability.

Protecting Women and Children Helps Preserve, Not Contradict, Traditional Family Values in Kazakhstan

In today's rapidly evolving world, traditional values can sometimes clash with progressive movements advocating for inclusivity and modern perspectives in many areas of life. While these values are often seen as barriers, they can instead serve as a source of stability and continuity when thoughtfully upheld. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev is aligning legislative reforms with Kazakhstan's family values while integrating them with the society's progressive aspirations. At a recent meeting with young scientists in Almaty, President Tokayev took aim at domestic violence calling it “a manifestation of backwardness and moral degradation.”  He added that “only a society that values ​​and respects women can be considered truly civilized and cultured.”  Regulatory actions In his speech, Tokayev placed “strengthening of the institution of the family” at the center of modernizing Kazakhstani society. “After all, comprehensive protection of the rights of women and children does not at all contradict the preservation of traditional family values ​​and, on the contrary, contributes to their further strengthening”, he said. “From the first days of my presidency, I have been paying great attention to protecting the rights of women and children. We are consistently taking legislative and institutional measures in this direction,” he noted.  This is not a new issue for the President, who in his September 2022 address, had already ordered stricter penalties for domestic violence. His agenda to strengthen protective measures sped up following the high-profile murder of Saltanat Nukenova in November 2023 by her husband, an influential former minister.  The events following this tragedy helped bring about new laws, inspired a culture of zero tolerance for any form of violence, and perhaps even opened the way for further reforms. On April 15, 2024, Tokayev signed a landmark law criminalizing violence against women and children, reversing a 2017 decriminalization. In two weeks, these amendments will be put into effect. The government’s response to the death of Nukenova and to the events following it, including the public reaction, has garnered international praise.  Promoting a values-based society Tokayev in his Almaty speech expressed that “not all problems can be solved by passing or tightening the law,” and adding that “everyone must start with themselves changing for the better”. “Family values ​​should be established in every home”, he said, highlighting the key role of women in raising the new generation.  Tokayev also prescribed enforcing good values in educational institutions while acknowledging that the country’s education system still had shortcomings. This is another example of how the leadership’s rhetoric matters in advancing a society. Tokayev continues to set the tone for his country on women’s rights. As the Washington Post wrote on May 13, 2024, “Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has repeatedly spoken about strengthening protections for women.”  Tokayev’s messaging of values has indeed been consistent – with a focus on rule of law as a basis for the protection of rights of all citizens.  The future The President’s actions have already begun inculcating a culture of no tolerance for aggression against women. “Today, the problem of domestic violence is widely discussed in the public space. This speaks of a positive transformation of the value system of our society, which is becoming more and more intolerant of any form of aggression and cruelty” said Tokayev in his Almaty meeting. Such public discussion manifested broadly on social media before and during the Nukenova trial. Kazakhstan’s openness has since given courage to women in Russia and other Central Asian states to open up about their grievances. While what constitutes core values for a society may differ between East and West, and North and South, it should be universally agreed that legislative advancements working with these notions rather than against them have a better chance of succeeding.

Kazakhstan Reports Another Big Jump in Saiga Antelope Numbers

The number of saiga antelopes in Kazakhstan has surged to an estimated 2,833,600, an increase of well over 40% since last year, according to an aerial survey conducted between mid-April and May 1. The total number is likely to be much higher because the study was done before the calving season in May The new data represents another step in the extraordinary comeback of a species whose numbers were estimated at 20,000 in 2003 and then, after a period of growth, suffered another big population crash because of a bacterial disease outbreak in 2015. A reduction in poaching and the expansion of land earmarked for conservation helped the species recover in Kazakhstan, though saigas are vulnerable to several diseases and extreme weather. Some farmers say ballooning saiga numbers threaten their crops and the government has explored mass kills and other ways to regulate the population. Helicopters were used to count the antelopes over an area of about 150,000 square kilometers this year, logging 215 flight hours as they flew at a steady altitude of 120 meters, according to the Altyn Dala Conservation Initiative, which aims to restore the Kazakh steppe ecosystem. It said state agencies were involved and the science - survey route plans, data collection and result processing – was carried out by the Association for the Conservation of Biodiversity of Kazakhstan. “These annual figures are made using the same methodology which is well established,” the conservation initiative said on June 3. “They are derived by extrapolation and primarily reflect the trend in the species’ numbers, i.e. an increase of over 40%, and the approximate number. These data were obtained in April 2024, before calving, which took place in May, so now, by the beginning of June, considering the successful breeding season, the number of the species will have almost doubled.” The surveys were carried out in the regions of West Kazakhstan, Mangistau, Akmola, Aktobe, Kostanay, Karaganda, Ulytau, Pavlodar and Abay. The dry steppe grasslands and semi-arid deserts of Central Asia are the saiga’s natural habitat. The vast majority of saigas are in Kazakhstan; Russia and Mongolia have small populations. Saigas from Kazakhstan have migrated in and out of Uzbekistan, sometimes reaching Turkmenistan. But such cross-border movements have dropped. The number reaching Uzbekistan has declined, partly because a border fence was built, and saigas haven’t been seen in Turkmenistan for several years, according to the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. IUCN stands for International Union for Conservation of Nature, a group based in Switzerland. Last year, the saiga’s conservation status on the red list was upgraded from “critically endangered” to “near threatened” because of its population gains. Saiga females start to breed when they are only eight months old and they often give birth to twins.

The Aral Sea: Addressing Water Issues, Crisis, and Striving for a Better Life in Central Asia

By Arindam Banik, an Indian economist, and Muhtor Nasirov, a professor at Samarkand State University   The world is currently grappling with the devastating impact of climate change, as rising temperatures have become an undeniable reality. In January 2024, the global temperature exceeded normal levels for the second consecutive month, pushing the global average temperature over the 1.5-degree threshold for the first time. Many human activities, such as unplanned water use, excessive groundwater extraction, and climate change, are thought to be contributing to this situation. One poignant example is the case of the Aral Sea in Central Asia. This once breathtaking and teeming endorheic lake, nestled between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, was not just a body of water. It was a symbol of life, a testament to the beauty and resilience of nature. Its azure waters and diverse marine life were a source of sustenance and livelihood for the region's people. It was a vibrant ecosystem, nourished by the almost entire flow of the two main rivers, the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya, in the upstream region of Central Asia. Interestingly, the Amu Darya River used to flow into the Caspian Sea through Uzboy Channel. However, a significant shift occurred during human settlement when the flow of these rivers was redirected into the Aral Sea, marking a crucial turning point in the region's hydrological history. Despite its former glory as the third-largest lake in the world, covering an area of 68,000 km2 (26,300 sq miles), the Aral Sea began shrinking in the 1960s after the rivers that fed it were diverted to support large-scale irrigation for cotton production intended for export. The irrigated area in the Aral Sea Basin has now expanded to eight million hectares. By 2007, it had decreased to only 10 percent of its original size, dividing into four lakes. By 2009, the southeastern lake had vanished, and the southwestern lake had shrunk to a thin strip at the western edge of the former southern sea. In the following years, occasional water flows partially replenished the southeastern lake. In August 2014, NASA satellite images revealed that the eastern basin of the Aral Sea had completely dried up, leading to the formation of the Aralkum Desert. This dramatic change has severely impacted the ecology, risking the survival of numerous fish subspecies and three endemic sturgeon species. The loss of these species disrupts the natural balance and affects the livelihoods of the local communities that depend on fishing. The herring, sand smelt, and gobies were the first planktivorous fish in the lake, and their decline led to the lake's zooplankton population collapse. Consequently, the herring and sand-smelt populations have not recovered. Except for the carp, snakehead, and possibly the pipefish, all introduced species survived the lake’s shrinkage and increased salinity. In an attempt to revive fisheries, the European flounder was introduced. This situation is urgent as the delicate balance of this ecosystem is on the verge of collapse. The region's once-prosperous fishing industry has been devastated, leading to unemployment and economic hardship. Additionally, the diverted Syr Darya River water now irrigates about two million hectares of farmland in the Ferghana Valley. The Aral Sea region is heavily polluted, resulting in serious public health problems. The water management challenge in Central Asia is complex due to conflicting interests between upstream and downstream countries. Upstream countries like Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have abundant water resources and want to release more water in winter for hydropower generation. On the other hand, downstream countries like Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Kazakhstan, with fewer internal water resources, prefer water from transboundary rivers to be released primarily in summer for irrigation and to avoid winter flooding. This clash of interests underscores the intricate nature of the water management challenge in the region. The extensive transboundary water infrastructure in Central Asia distinguishes the basins from other contested international basins, reflecting the region's shared history as Soviet republics until 1991. The Soviet Union constructed large dams and reservoirs in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to store water for summer irrigation releases in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, with hydropower generation as a secondary objective due to the availability of cheap energy. After the Soviet Union dissolved, rising energy prices led to changes in the release of water from reservoirs. Upstream countries began prioritising hydropower production, causing a shift in water release patterns from mainly in summer to more in winter, negatively impacting downstream countries. They now face reduced water availability for irrigation and uncontrolled winter flooding. Additionally, upstream countries plan to build new dams and expand irrigated agriculture, which downstream countries oppose as they fear further limitations to their water access and increased vulnerability to shortages. More than two decades after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the five states of the Aral Sea Basin face the challenge of restoring a sustainable equilibrium while offering development opportunities for an increasing population. Central Asian countries experiencing water scarcity might face severe water crises by 2030. In inadequate regional economic cooperation, particularly water and energy integration, they can find themselves in absolute freshwater scarcity by 2050. Water resources use in the region demonstrates high growth rates due to demographic factors, industrial and agricultural development, and irrigation. Central Asian countries, primarily in the Aral Sea basin, are notable for their socio-economic development that unfolds amidst the complete depletion of their water resources, i.e. water use exceeds available resources, and this trend will determine the nature of inter-state relations of the region's countries. It should also be noted that by 2030-2050, the region's governments will reach the limits of irrigated land expansion because of its limited availability. Several noteworthy initiatives warrant special attention in this context. For instance, countries like Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan recently agreed on a roadmap for constructing the Kambarata-1 hydropower plant. Similarly, the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea (IFAS) highlights that analytical reviews enable the creation of a comprehensive assessment of the water situation in the Amu Darya and Syr Darya river basins and their respective sites. This includes planned and actual indicators on reservoir volumes, inflows, releases, water withdrawals, and the disparities between planned and actual indicators regarding water availability for withdrawal. Resolving this significant crisis necessitates the development of a regional infrastructure that integrates all sectors of the economy. This infrastructure should be founded on the principles of responsible water usage and facilitate the allocation of water resources required to restore the Aral Sea. Considering the substantial financial resources needed, which the Aral Sea Basin countries currently lack, it is crucial to establish an infrastructure fund with the involvement of the world's industrialised nations. Surprisingly, despite the region's dwindling water and irrigation resources, each country's national strategies and programs envision further water usage for irrigation and hydropower. In light of this, a cohesive regional water policy should aim to balance water resource utilisation and enhance the area's ecological conditions. Sustainable water management is thus imperative and will require coordinated political action from all the states involved. To address this promptly, policymakers could consider initiatives such as diversifying the agricultural sector to reduce water consumption and waste, exploring groundwater, placing less emphasis on surface water, and promoting widespread adoption of drip irrigation systems.

Endangered Wild Horses Return to Kazakhstan’s Golden Steppe

Three wild horses have been transported from the Prague Zoo to the vast grasslands of Kazakhstan, restoring the endangered species to one of its natural habitats after an absence of a century.  A Czech military plane helped to deliver the Przewalski's horses to the “Golden Steppe," or Altyn Dala, in central Kazakhstan, where they will stay for a while in enclosures to get used to conditions in their new environment. The Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it co-funded repairs to the enclosures after damage caused by recent flooding in the Central Asian country.   “Congratulations to all those involved in these huge efforts to return these wild horses to the steppes of Kazakhstan,” said the Altyn Dala Conservation Initiative, a multinational partnership that is working to restore the Kazakh steppe ecosystem. It said on Tuesday that another group of the wild horses, which are named after the Russian geographer who identified the species in 1881, are on their way from Tierpark Berlin, a German zoo. Przewalski’s horse is “the last genetically wild horse on Earth” and its Russian namesake first came across the species in Mongolia, according to the multinational conservation group. The species vanished from the wild in the 1960s. But several European zoos kept some of the horses, saving the species from extinction, and reintroductions into the wild began in the 1990s, first in China and then in Mongolia.  The Prague Zoo is leading the relocation project in Kazakhstan, which aims to introduce a total of eight Przewalski’s horses to the steppe in the first year and several dozen horses over the next five years. Some of the wild horses will also come from Hungary’s Hortobagy National Park, which has the largest group of Przewalski’s horses outside Mongolia, as well as Nuremberg Zoo in Germany.  The reintroduction center for the horses is located in the Torgai steppe, which lies within a network of linked nature reserves that total 40,000 square kilometers, according to the Frankfurt Zoological Society, a partner in the Altyn Dala Conservation Initiative. The initiative, in turn, is led by the Association for the Conservation of Biodiversity of Kazakhstan. The conservation initiative has overseen a surge in the number of saiga antelope to more than 1.9 million, a 10-fold increase since a devastating disease outbreak in 2015.  “Unlike the Saiga, the Przewalski’s horse prefers a much broader selection of grasses, and in turn distributes the seeds of additional plant species across their shared steppe environment, playing a complimentary role.  In addition to this, their dung piles provide nutrients to other plants and decomposers, such as insects,” the initiative said.  A key part of the project is raising awareness about the wild horses among local communities. Conservationists are planning work with children and schools, providing educational materials and coloring books that outline the differences between wild and domestic horses. 

Nazarbayev In-Law, Askar Kulibayev’s Oil Terminal Seized

Representatives of the General Prosecutor's Office of Kazakhstan have reported that an oil terminal in the port of Aktau belonging to Askar Kulibayev has been returned to the state. The 134-hectare property is valued at $66 million.

“It was established that in 2011, the oil terminal was alienated into the ownership of Kulibayev's company. On February 26th, 2024, by the decision of the Specialized Inter-district Economic Court of Mangistau region, the claim of the Almaty city prosecutor was satisfied, and the oil terminal was returned to the state's ownership," said the supervisory body.

The Almaty prosecutor's office stated that the claim was filed to compensate for the damage caused by the unlawful seizure of a foreign investor's property. However, the official message does not name the affected company.

Now 87-years-old, Askar Kulibayev served as First Secretary of the Guryev (now Atyrau) Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan and as the Minister of Construction in independent Kazakhstan. He is the matchmaker of former President Nursultan Nazarbayev's daughter, and the father of Kazakhstan's richest man, Timur Kulibayev. In 2024, Timur Kulibayev and his wife Dinara Kulibayeva, still sit atop the list of the richest Kazakhs. The combined fortune of the Nazarbayev family is estimated at almost $10 billion.

Renewable Energy “Key” for Uzbekistan: Interview with IFC Regional Manager

Neil McKain, the IFC regional manager for Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, says renewable energy sources are helping Uzbekistan reduce natural gas consumption. The country can become a regional leader in renewable energy sources, he told The Times of Central Asia in an interview.   ТСА: To begin, could you give us an overview of the current state of renewable energy in Uzbekistan? Neil McKain: Uzbekistan has significant renewable energy potential — primarily solar and wind — and is well equipped to fulfill its growing energy needs and transition to a clean energy economy. Renewable energy can help diversify the energy mix and reduce the country’s heavy reliance on natural gas. The government is focused on increasing the share of renewables in power production by up to 25 GW, or 40% of the country’s overall electricity consumption, by 2030. These efforts support the country's clean energy transition and address the increasing demand for energy in Uzbekistan’s economy and among its citizens. In this context, the World Bank Group is helping Uzbekistan develop 1,000 MW of solar and 500 MW of wind energy by attracting private sector investments.   ТСА: With these developments, what challenges does Uzbekistan face in transitioning to renewable energy? McKain: Like many countries, Uzbekistan faces many challenges as it transitions. The government has substantial natural gas reserves, and the economy relies heavily on fossil fuels. Transitioning away from these energy sources can be economically and politically challenging. It requires building public support and raising awareness of the many benefits of renewable energy. In addition, building the necessary infrastructure, such as solar farms, wind turbines, and an updated electrical grid, requires significant investment, time, and technical expertise. As renewable energy sources are intermittent, developing efficient energy storage solutions will be vital to ensuring a stable energy supply. Also, securing the required capital can take time, as it often involves enormous upfront costs and long-term investment before seeing returns. Addressing these multifaceted challenges will require coordinated efforts from the government, private sector, and international partners.   ТСА: What is the IFC's involvement in renewable energy projects in Uzbekistan? McKain: The IFC is deeply committed to supporting renewable energy in emerging markets, and Uzbekistan is a key country. We've been involved in several initiatives, including advising on and financing solar power projects. One of our first projects is a solar plant in the Navoi region, which provides electricity to 31,000 homes. This project was established through a public-private partnership (PPP) between the Uzbek government and Masdar, the United Arab Emirates’ flagship renewable energy company. IFC assisted the government as a transaction adviser in designing and tendering the PPP under its Scaling Solar Program. It is now a significant milestone in the country's renewable energy journey. In collaborationwith other lenders, IFC also provided a financing package to support the construction of a 500-megawatt wind farm in the Navoi region, which Masdar is also building. Capable of powering 500,000 homes, it will be the largest facility in Central Asia—and, incidentally, the largest wind farm IFC has ever sponsored. Together with our state and private sector partners, we are exploring using shallow geothermal energy for heating and cooling buildings. Utilizing this energy source within the country can help reduce reliance on gas and electricity and ease the burden on the grid. We are mapping the licensing and permit processes and the local production and distribution of heat pumps. Additionally, we are exploring regulatory and incentive policies to encourage investments, promote the expansion of surface geothermal solutions, and implement surface geothermal projects in the country. Finally, just last week a financial package for a 250-megawatt solar photovoltaic plant was signed between the World Bank Group, Masdar, and the government of Uzbekistan. This new solar power plant, to be constructed in the Alat district of the Bukhara region, will provide clean, reliable electricity access to approximately 75,000 households. In addition, the project introduces an innovative battery energy storage system (BESS) component that will help improve the efficiency and flexibility of the power system, providing greater supply security and mitigating the intermittency of renewable generation. The project, in which IFC also acted as a transaction advisor to the government, marks Central Asia's first renewable energy initiative with an integrated BESS component.   ТСА: Could you tell our readers more about the battery energy storage system technologies? McKain: One key innovation in the solar energy sector is integrating battery energy storage systems. These systems are crucial for addressing the intermittent nature of solar power, as they store excess energy produced during peak sunlight hours and make it available during periods of low solar generation or high demand. This not only ensures a stable energy supply but also enhances the efficiency of solar plants. The battery energy storage market is at a critical juncture in its evolution, with prices and technologies expected to become even more favorable over time. The technology is now cost-effective for various on- and off-grid applications in countries worldwide. However, most new project development and associated benefits are concentrated in developed economies. Although innovative battery storage with solar plants in Uzbekistan is still new, the potential benefits are significant. Battery storage can help stabilize the national grid, reduce reliance on fossil fuels, and provide a more reliable power supply to remote areas. It can also support the country's goals of reducing greenhouse gas emissions and transitioning to a more sustainable energy system. For these reasons, supporting energy storage technology is a strategic focus for the government of Uzbekistan as it will extend the reach and uses of renewable energy. By helping to introduce technologies in the energy sector, IFC supports Uzbekistan’s efforts to ramp up its use of renewables, improve energy security, increase grid stability, and expand access to electricity.   ТСА: You mentioned PPP projects; could you elaborate on PPPs in Uzbekistan? McKain: Public-private partnerships, or PPPs, are essential tools that leverage private sector expertise and resources to help deliver public services or manage public assets. Through our global experience in PPPs, we are assisting governments in identifying, structuring, and procuring PPP projects transparently and competitively. Since late 2018, Uzbekistan has been building a successful track record in PPPs. The government’s reformist mindset, urgency, and pragmatism in pursuing needed reforms are helping create a series of bankable PPP projects delivered under a robust and transparent PPP framework. At this point, IFC’s portfolio in PPP Transaction Advisory in Uzbekistan includes projects at various stages of development. It covers the energy, healthcare, and education sectors, with an overall expected mobilization of approximately $700 million. In addition, we have closed several projects in the energy and healthcare sectors, with an overall expected mobilization of roughly $1.8 billion. But there is still more that can be done. While most current PPP projects are in the energy generation, utilities, and health sectors, the government is now focusing on other vital industries such as education, irrigation, transport, water supply, and wastewater treatment. These sectors have been strained by years of underinvestment, sub-optimal operation and maintenance, and rapid urbanization rates. Still, PPPs can attract much-needed investment and private sector expertise to these sectors. We stand ready to support this by developing, structuring, and implementing PPP projects.   ТСА: Looking ahead, what's the future of renewable energy in Uzbekistan? McKain: The prospects are very bright. The government is highly supportive and responsive, implementing reforms to attract foreign investment and liberalize the energy market. This creates a favorable environment for investment in renewable energy in the country. With the government's proven commitment and implementation of ongoing projects, Uzbekistan is on track to become a regional leader in renewable energy. Moreover, the country's strategic location and rich natural resources provide a unique opportunity to meet its energy needs and potentially export clean energy. IFC remains firmly committed to facilitating sustainable energy projects. We encourage other investors to explore these opportunities and contribute to the country's renewable energy future.