Interdisciplinary Research: Trend or Transition By Diana Rhoten E 6 Figure 1 extrinsic attention (funding agencies, research leadership) systemic implementation (university management, structures) Interdisciplinary Research .O. Wilson has argued that consilience—the “jumping together of knowledge” across disciplines “to create a common groundwork of explanation”—is the most promising path to scientific advancement, intellectual adventure, and human awareness (Wilson 1998: 8). Wilson and other interdisciplinary advocates contend that the breaching of scientific boundaries will lead to other breakthroughs as critical as the cracking of the DNA code. Today, some analysts claim that academic science has already embraced the idea of consilience and that a transformation is well underway from the traditional manner of doing research—homogeneous, disciplinary, hierarchical—to a new approach that is heterogeneous, interdisciplinary, horizontal, and fluid (for example, Cooke 1998; Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff 1998; Gibbons et al 1994). Others, however, suggest that the university’s metamorphosis toward interdisciplinarityi is nowhere as far along as those in the first camp maintain (for example, Hakala and Ylijoki 2001; Hicks and Katz 1996; Slaughter and Leslie 1997). In fact, some would even argue that there is no empirical evidence of any fundamental change encompassing the university science system (Shinn 1999; Weingart 1997). Our recent NSF-funded study of interdisciplinary research centers and programs suggests that the latter camp is right to be skeptical. Across the spectrum of higher education, many initiatives deemed interdisciplinary are, in fact, merely reconfigurations of old studies—traditional modes of work patched together under a new label—rather than actual reconceptualizations and reorganizations of new research. It was common to hear, for example, the mechanical engineer, atmospheric physicist, and public policy analyst describing themselves as “co-investigators on an interdisciplinary project” yet to observe them conducting their respective pieces of the research in near isolation from one another. Conversely, it was rare to encounter the hydrologist, economist, ecologist, and decision manager “collaborating directly with one another in the field” to formulate a new multiobjective integrative model. Conventional explanations of the failures of interdisciplinary research to gain traction in the academy typically cite the following factors: the lack of funding for such initiatives; the indifference or hostility of scientists to working across established boundaries; and the incompatibility of university incentive and reward structures with interdisciplinary practices (for example, Bohen and Stiles 1998; Klein 1999; Metzger and Zare 1999; National Academies 1987, 2000; Weingart 1997). While these explanations are not wrong per se, our research suggests that the first two claims may be overstated while the third actually underestimates the broader set and deeper source of organizational misalignments. By adapting Huy and Mintzberg’s (2003) “triangle of change” and applying it to the academic research environment, this article demonstrates that the transition to interdisciplinarity and consilience does not suffer from a lack of extrinsic attention at the “top” or intrinsic motivation at the “bottom,” but, rather, from a lack of systemic implementation in the “middle” (see figure 1). Monodisciplinary Research “It took an ex-physicist—Francis Crick—and a former ornithology student—James Watson—to crack the secret of life. They shared a certain wanderlust, an indifference to boundaries.” —Robert Wright intrinsic motivation (faculty, students) The fact is, universities have tended to approach interdisicplinarity as a trend rather than a real transition and to thus undertake their interdisciplinary efforts in a piecemeal, incoherent, catch-as-catch-can fashion rather than approaching them as comprehensive, root-and-branch reforms. As a result, the ample monies devoted to the cause of interdisciplinarity, and the ample energies of scientists directed toward its goals, have accomplished far less than they could, or should, have. Extrinsic attention In our ongoing study, we have found substantial evidence of extrinsic attention to interdisciplinary research in the dis- Data Note The argument presented here is based largely on the results of an NSF-funded study entitled “A Multi-Method Analysis of the Social and Technical Conditions for Interdisciplinary Collaboration.” While the literature is replete with theoretical and anecdotal accounts of interdisciplinary research benefits and barriers, this study is one of the first and few empirical analyses of interdisciplinary research practices and processes. The study was conducted in six interdisciplinary research centers between January 2002 and June 2003, and the analysis of data collected from these sites remains ongoing. The six centers were selected using both purposive and convenience sampling methods from the population of interdisciplinary centers funded under the NSF Environmental Research and Education portfolio. Thus, while all of the centers in our sample had been assembled for the express purpose of conducting interdisciplinary research and research training, they differed on the basis of organizational size, age, type, structure, and format; disciplinary diversity and distance; and, researcher composition (see Table 1). Our research in these centers combined techniques of social network analysis with those of ethnographic fieldwork. First, because full network methods require information about each actor as well as each actor’s connections with all other actors, we gathered relevant data on researcher attributes, actions, and interactions by conducting a three-part survey with the population of researchers in each of the six centers by means of census (mean response rate = 73%). Second, although network analysis is an extremely useful way to understand the relationships between people in a particular group, it does not necessarily uncover why certain relationships are present or absent. Thus, in order to understand the context of and the dynamics between the researchers within each of the centers in our sample, we collected additional individual, relational, and organizational data by conducting site visits and systematic interviews in five of our six centers (mean number of interviews = 13). ii The resulting data were used to: (1) Model the structure, relations, and positions of the research networks in each center; (2) Assess the relationship between the attributes of the individuals engaged in these networks, the conditions of the organizations that host them, and the nature of the interactions that populate them; and, (3) Identify the “hotspots” of interdisciplinary academic collaboration within each of these networks. The findings have yielded important insights about such things as the significance of individual features versus organizational factors in determining the shape of interdisciplinary networks, the consequences of “information sharing” versus “knowledge creating” activities for interdisciplinary collaborations, and the profiles of disciplinary versus interdisciplinary research “stars.” However, because these results represent a very detailed picture of a small number of centers in a very specific arena of research at one particular time, we have continued to both test and augment them with evidence and experience from other interdisciplinary research activities, analyses, and assessments. iii Table 1 Center 1 Center 2 Center 3 Center 4 Center 5 Center 6 Affiliates 18 66 40 61 619 131 Founding Date ~1970 1996 1999 1997 1995 2000 Type National Research Human DimenCenter sions of Global Change Center Integrated Gradu- Integrated Gradu- National-State ate Education and ate Education and Research Center Training Program Training Program Science Technology Center Structure Single Whole Network Single Whole Network Single Whole Network Single Whole Network Multiple Project Networks Multiple Project Networks Format Single Institution Multiple Institutions Multiple Institutions Single Institution Hybrid Multiple Institutions (Sub)Disciplines 13 19 9 18 56 24 Fields of Science 6 8 4 4 8 7 Composition 52% faculty 38% (post)grad 10% non-tenure 55% faculty 40% (post)grad 5% non-tenure 41% faculty 57% (post)grad 2% non-tenure 46% faculty 20% (post)grad 33% non-tenure 30% faculty 42% (post)grad 25% non-tenure 44% faculty 17% (post)grad 39% non-tenure Note(s): 1. Subjects agreed to participate in this study on the basis of anonymity and confidentiality for the research center and the research affiliates. 2. Center 5 and Center 6 had small populations of undergraduate students, which is why the composition does not total 100%. 7 grams, research centers, and collaborative conferences (Morrisey 2003). In addition, private dollars are also being poured into interdisciplinary endeavors at unprecedented levels. In April 2003, the W. M. Keck Foundation underwrote a $40 million, 15-year grant to the U.S. National Academies for the “National Academies Keck Futures Initiative,” a new program created to “stimulate new modes of inquiry and break down the conceptual and institutional barriers to interdisciplinary research” (National Academies 2003). In October of the same year, the James H. Clark Center opened as the new home of the Stanford University Bio-X Program, which is Network diagram of one center’s interdisciplinary research designed to accelerate interdisciplinary research for highrelations. tech innovation in the biosciences. This center was funded largely by a $90 million grant from Clark (a well-known Silcourses and resources of government agencies, policy mak- icon Valley entrepreneur) along with millions more from ers, scholarly associations, and university administrators. We Atlantic Philanthropies (Miller 2003). And, while operations hear, for example, government officials such as Dr. Elias won’t begin until 2006, the construction of the new Janelia Zerhouni (Director, the National Institutes of Health) and Farm Research Campus was launched in late 2002. SpecuDr. Rita Colwell (Director, National Science Founda- lated to cost $500 million and funded entirely by the Howard tion)—the two largest federal funders of academic Hughes Medical Institute, the focus of Janelia Farm will be research—arguing that “disciplinary ‘silos’ need to broken” on “collaborative research that calls for the development and and “interdisciplinary connections are absolutely funda- interdisciplinary application of cutting-edge technological mental [as] the interfaces of the sciences are where the tools [with] originality, creativity and a high degree of scienexcitement will be the most intense” (Colwell 1998; Jones tific risk-taking” (HHMI 2004). 2003). We also see the National Academies as well as individual national scholarly associations—from the American Intrinsic motivation Geophysical Union and the American Chemical Society to According to Peter Weingart, interdisciplinarity, transdiscithe American Institute for Biological Sciences and the plinarity, and their inclusive kin have been “proclaimed, American Political Science Association—sponsoring inter- demanded, hailed, and written into funding programs” for disciplinary analyses and emphasizing interdisciplinary more than 30 years, while at the same time specialization has activities at the borders of their represented sciences and disciplines. And, we find academic institutions from Harvard to Haverford proclaiming n contrast to the often “the need for academic and interdisciof stubborn, risk-averse scientists plinary change and innovation” to “foster and enable collaboration to venture from their disciplinary among the faculties . . . to advance understanding of complex problems” safe houses, we encountered many researchers (Harvard University 2003; Haverford driven to the edges of their fields 1999). There are also increasing public by a in their epistemological monies being dedicated to interdisciplinary research. Of the $4.11 billion that the NSF requested from Congress for research and related activities in 2004, $765 million—a 16.5% increased at an exponential rate amongst researchers (Weinincrease over 2003—has been earmarked for four priority gart 2000). While that may be true, we found more tension areas, all designated as interdisciplinary: Biocomplexity in the than contradiction between a researcher’s institutional presEnvironment, Information Technology Research, Nanoscale sure to specialize and his/her intrinsic motivation to crossScience and Engineering, and Human and Social Dynamics fertilize. In contrast to the often stereotypical portrait of (NSF 2003; SIAM 2003). Likewise, the NIH has budgeted stubborn, risk-averse scientists resistant to venture from their $130 million in fiscal 2004, with more than $2.1 billion sched- disciplinary safe houses, we encountered many researchers— uled over the next five years, for the new NIH Roadmap, particularly younger researchers—driven to the edges of which stresses establishment of interdisciplinary training pro- their fields by a shift in their epistemological values and I stereotypical portrait resistant shift values and intellectual interests. 8 intellectual interests. It was not uncommon to hear state- veyed said that their relationships with other center memments such as: “I have become very aware of the horrible bers have “positively” or “very positively” influenced the inefficiency of the scientific enterprise in turning knowl- development of their own research agendas. It is not suredge into useful products and benefits . . . so I came [to this prising that, in the short-term, diversity will yield more creinterdisciplinary center] to branch out from what I was ativity than productivity, but it is significant as one begins doing, to do something bigger and better, more intellectual- to measure the “value” of interdisciplinary versus disciplily interesting and more practically important.” Or: the nary science. chemical engineer who reported, “When I first started [my research], I was really scared. The last time I had taken a biol- No Systemic implementation ogy course was in eighth grade. But, the question I wanted If neither attention nor motivation are lacking in the pursuit to answer required biology. I needed to find a way to work of interdisciplinarity, what forces are preventing its promoat the interface of chemical engineering and microbiology, tion from trend to transition? We argue that despite “talking or I needed to find a different question . . . Now, I am sorta’ the talk” of cross-boundary collaboration, many universities on the fringe of science, I guess, but I am dealing with the are failing to “walk the walk.” Instead of implementing intercore problems of society. So, yeah, that is where I want to disciplinary approaches from the perspective of a thoroughbe.” In their analysis of twelve cross-disciplinary initiatives at going reform, many universities are simply adopting the Emory University, Susan Frost and colleagues found a simi- interdisciplinary labels without adapting their disciplinary lar migration toward interdisciplinary research, with artifacts. The result has been problematic on two levels. Not researchers also reporting to be motivated by the prospect of only has the persistence of old structures created real or per“intellectual enrichment” and the sense of “intrinsic reward” ceived disincentives to and penalties for pursuing interdisci(Frost et al 2001). plinary work. But, far more critically, the lack of systemic The research affiliates in our study expressed this shift not implementation taken in order to re-design and not just reonly in their words but also in their actions and interactions. name these structures and thus actively support interdiscipliIn the centers we surveyed, nary research has actually researchers reported comcreated initiatives that are mitting on average about inherently incapable of nstead of implementing 50% of their total work time achieving the very goals they approaches from the perspective of a thoroughgoing to center-related interdisciseek to accomplish and plinary activities. This is a reform, many universities are simply unfortunately unable to substantial allocation of time serve the very constituents adopting the interdisciplinary labels. they hope to support. Below given that interdisciplinary research is not always recogare just a few cursory examnized as favorably or rewarded as equally compared to disci- ples of some of the common organizational errors that have plinary research at the time of student and faculty evalua- resulted from the lack of vigorous thinking around interdistions. In fact, about 30% of researchers we surveyed reported ciplinarity. that they felt their interdisciplinary affiliation had not helped The interdisciplinary centers we studied here, as well as and in some cases had even hindered their careers. For exam- most of those we have since observed, are organized around ple, a graduate student in one center described his position as large catch-all themes such as “global climate change,” “envi“non-traditional, highly beneficial, but completely risky,” ronmental impacts,” or “sustainable resources.” Yet, they often while a postdoctoral fellow in another center confided that lack unified and unifying problem definitions and project “part of me thinks I did a little bit of career suicide by com- directions around which their researchers’ skills and ideas ing here.” could coalesce. While purposefully broad themes allow a cerIn addition to making significant interdisciplinary tain amount of disciplinary multiplicity, the absence of research commitments, researchers also report making sub- explicit, discrete targets of work—otherwise known as stantial cross-disciplinary research connections by either “boundary objects”iv—appears to complicate rather than catsharing existing information through “collegial” interac- alyze communication and collaboration between the discitions or together creating new knowledge via “close” inter- plines. As a result, most interdisciplinary research centers have actions. According to our survey results, the average num- a tendency to become a nexus of loosely connected individber of close and collegial connections that any one uals searching for intersections, as opposed to cohesive researcher has with other affiliates ranges from 10 to 15 groups tackling well-defined problems. This result is more (depending on the center), of which an average of between akin to the traditional department structure—minus the six and 10 are with others outside his/her own discipline. common ground—than it is an example of a new mode of Importantly, our data also indicate that while many of these knowledge production. connections—particularly those which cross disciplines— Similarly, most centers we examined began by creating a have yet to yield publications, 83% of the researchers sur- “laundry list” of affiliates and disciplines at the proposal I interdisciplinary 9 stage, instead of selecting on the basis of the research prob- communication across disciplines. Finally, the fact that 77% lem and identifying what researchers might potentially prefer informal to formal face-to-face communication in contribute. In combination with a trend in interdisciplinary both circumstances reinforces other research suggesting that funding toward longer-term initiatives, this has meant that the sharing of scientific information and the creation of researchers—having been chosen to fill a nominal slot new knowledge are dependent on the interpersonal, sponrather than address a specific role—often find themselves taneous interactions of researchers (Kanfer 2000)—a class of “locked in” to center affiliations from which they do not interaction generally hindered by traditional disciplinary benefit professionally and may not even thrive intellectual- departments and so often unrealized by new interdisciplily despite their own motivations and interests. In several nary centers. cases, researchers reported forsaking the extrinsic rewards for the intrinsic ones but in the end getting neither: “I was left Some implications and conclusions with nothing but feelings of frustration and ambivalence At the outset of our study, we were struck by how little with the interdisciplinary center, and feelings of fear and empirical data existed about the real-world practice of interrejection in my disciplinary department.” Thus, while disciplinary research. Two years later, we are struck by the fact longer organizational life cycles may give centers time to that our data raise more questions than they answer. And yet, improve their research practices and processes, long-term even so, we believe there are a number of clear implications and full-time affiliations can actually limit and not accentu- to be drawn from our study regarding the future conduct of ate researcher creativity and productivity. In our study, cross-boundary science. researchers who felt free to enter and exit collaborative To provide fertile ground for this type of research, interrelationships reported more progress with their interdisci- disciplinary centers need not only to be well-funded but to plinary projects and greater satisfaction in their profession- have an independent physical location and intellectual al lives overall. direction apart from traditional university departments. In the same vein, interdisciplinary centers seem to have They should have clear and well-articulated organizing associated larger numbers of affiliates with greater rates of principles—be they problems, products, or projects— interdisciplinarity. While around which researchers this may make sense in can be chosen on the basis ost interdisciplinary research centers have a terms of increasing discipliof their specific technical, nary multiplicity, our data methodological, or topical tendency to become a nexus show that it does not contributions, and to which of loosely connected individuals searching the researchers are deeply increase meaningful interdisciplinary activity. In fact, for intersections, as opposed to cohesive committed. While a center our results suggest that should be established as a groups tackling well-defined problems. although medium and large long-standing organizacenters (20-49 affiliates and 50 or more affiliates, respec- tional body with continuity in management and leadership, tively) may produce marginally more information-sharing its researchers should be appointed for flexible, intermittent relations within and across disciplines on average than small but intensive short-term stays that are dictated by the scicenters (fewer than 20 affiliates), they are not necessarily entific needs of projects rather than administrative manmore effective at producing interdisciplinary knowledge- dates. Not only will such rotating appointments allow creating connections. Indeed, we found that small centers— researchers to satisfy their intellectual curiosities without or small bounded networks within large centers—actually jeopardizing their professional responsibilities, they will also produce more such connections than larger centers do. better serve the epistemological priorities of interdiscipliMoreover, because many large centers are inter-institu- nary research. tional or international, they must rely on cyber-infrastrucAs more researchers divide their time between interdisciture to support interdisciplinary science. While such tech- plinary centers or programs and traditional disciplinary nologies make long distance science collaborations plausi- departments, the academic research community must learn ble, the data indicate that technologically-mediated com- to accommodate institutionally and professionally what munication may be a good complement but not a good Brown and Duguid (2000) describe as “networks of pracsubstitute for face-to-face communication—particularly tice.” Networks of practice constitute the broad social sys when working across different disciplines. Approximately tems through which researchers share information but which 71% of the researchers in our study reported face-to-face do not always yield new knowledge in immediate or tradicommunication as their primary mechanism for informa- tional forms. In the current academic structure, the value of tion sharing and knowledge creating, both in general and research and researcher alike is usually measured by the proacross disciplines. This compares to 59% who reported duction of new knowledge in the form of publications in using technologically-mediated communication in general, academic journals. However, information sharing networks and only about 50% who employ technologically-mediated may often yield “harder to count” but equally important— M 10 albeit different—outputs such as Congressional testimonies, public policy initiatives, popular media placements, alternative journal publications, or long-term product developments. While these are the opportunities that often draw individuals to interdisciplinary work, they are also some of the most under-appreciated and unrewarded activities within today’s academy. Finally, for interdisciplinary research centers to achieve their stated aim of addressing new problems in fundamentally new ways, they must be populated with individuals who can serve as “stars” and as well as those who can be “connectors.” These are not always one and the same. Universities, therefore, will have to reconsider the priorities and practices of graduate education and training in order to prepare individuals for such centers. We argue that graduate programs must not only educate future scientists to be experts in the methods, techniques, and knowledge of their chosen disciplines but to have the broader problem-solving skills that require learning, unlearning, and relearning across disciplines. How best to support and encourage these new ways of learning is the central challenge now facing the academy. All around us, the sciences are increasingly colliding at the nexus of complex problems. In the years ahead, those collisions have the capacity to produce many interdisciplinary discoveries as seminal as Watson and Crick’s. The universities that successfully reform themselves to meet the challenges presented by interdisciplinary research will find themselves at the center of what some observers liken to a second scientific revolution. Those who fail will find themselves watching from the sidelines. g Diana Rhoten is SSRC program director for the Program on Knowledge Institutions and Innovation. Acknowledgements This study (BCS-0129573) was awarded by the National Science Foundation Biocomplexity in the Environment Program to Diana Rhoten, Ph.D. and the Hybrid Vigor Institute. We would like to thank John Seely Brown for his insightful comments on preliminary drafts of this particular article and for his constantly stimulating conversation on the topic in general. We would also like to recognize Andrew Parker, whose technical contributions have made this project possible. Endnotes i We use interdisciplinarity here to refer specifically to the integration of different methods and concepts through a cooperative effort by a team of investigators. We do not use the term to refer to simply the representation of different disciplines on a team nor to individuals who may themselves incorporate different disciplines on a project themselves. ii Due to scheduling conflicts and the seasonal nature of the center, we were not able to visit the sixth center before the close of the grant period. iii These include the author’s participation in interdisciplinary program evaluations at the federal, state, and university levels; interdisciplinary center proposal and review teams; interdisciplinary strategy consultations with university leaders, government officials, and academic researchers; and, previous and related studies of interdisciplinary practices and processes. iv Boundary objects are artifacts that are used by different groups but which, when they cross the boundaries between groups, may be inter- preted differently. The notion of boundary objects was developed by S. L. 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